Lucius Licinius Crassus - Revision history

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: Added missing apostrophe in footnote 208.

2009-07-08T21:14:33Z

Added missing apostrophe in footnote 208.

← Older revision		Revision as of 21:14, 8 July 2009
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	===As an orator===		===As an orator===

−	Crassus was much admired by Cicero, who tends to regard him as the greatest orator not only of his generation but of any generation up to his own;<ref>E.g., Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> and Cicero's admiration is confirmed, to a greater or lesser extent, by every source that mentions him. He was also perhaps the first to build so successful a career almost exclusively on oratorical prowess without any significant military achievements.<ref>In this, too, he prefigures Cicero, and indeed was in a way more successful than the latter in that he reached the office of ''censor''. Others had previously built political success without military victories, but generally these were based on fields of distinction other than oratory, such as law ([[Tiberius Coruncanius\|Ti. Coruncanius]]) or religion ([[Gaius Servilius Geminus cos. 203\|C. Servilius Geminus]], perhaps).</ref> His contribution to the development of Roman oratory was by all accounts considerable, not so much for any particular technical or stylistic innovations as for a greater finesse, elegance, and command of rhythm and sound, as well as subtler and more carefully chosen strategies of argument and persuasion. He may well have been among the first to publish speeches in written form.<ref>Dominik, W., & Hall, J. (eds), ‘’’A Companion To Roman Rhetoric’’’ (Blackwell, 2007), p.242-243.</ref> Among the many qualities in his oratory praised by the sources, those that stand out most are its dignity, wit, and charm.<ref>See, for example, Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> His very quick and cutting sense of humour is attested by the large number of his jokes that the sources have preserved, and Cicero says that he was particularly gifted in ''altercatio'', the rapid and spontaneous exchange of repartee with an opponent.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 43.159. His barbed wit is mentioned, and examples provided, in Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.54.220-2.56.227 and 2.59.240-242. In the same work, at 2.71.289, is a hint that his comic delivery was usually dead-pan.</ref> Though in this way his mind evidently worked quickly, he also spent time in intense thought and could often be seen to gaze fixedly in meditation before making speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.5.17.</ref> He chose his words carefully and avoided clichés and well-worn phrases.<ref>Cicero, ''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33. Rackham, H., '''Cicero ''De Oratore''''' (Harvard University Press, 1942), vol. 2 p. 29, translates "''obsoletior''" as "old-fashioned" but it surely has its more usual meaning of "worn-out" or "hackneyed" (compare the '''Oxford Latin Dictionary''', which in fact cites this passage as an example of this meaning).</ref> In comparison with M. Antonius he is said to have been less vigorous and less effective in evoking a mood of instinctive sympathy for a client, but more skilled in logical argumentation in court and more effective in persuading crowds in his political speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 39.144 (logical argument); 44.165 (effectiveness in public meetings).</ref> With respect to political speeches he seems to have been the first, or at least among the first, to adapt populist language and rhetorical tactics to pro-senatorial use.<ref>As has been mentioned with respect to the [[Lucius Licinius Crassus#Pro Cn. Planco and the changing political landscape\|speech on the ''lex Servilia'']]; see also Dominik, W., & Hall, J. (eds), '''A Companion To Roman Rhetoric''' (Blackwell, 2007), p.243.</ref> Although he was a pleasant conversationalist, it was not his voice so much as his delivery (forceful and passionate in his youth, gentler and smoother in his later years) that marked him out.<ref>Cicero, '''''de officiis''''', 1.37.133, saying that the Lutatii Catuli were equally pleasing in ordinary conversation; '''''de oratore''''', 1.60.255, saying he spoke "''remissius et lenius''" in comparison to his earlier "''summa vis et contentio''".</ref> Not only his vocal delivery but also his movements and facial expressions were such that he seemed to be genuinely moved but whatever emotion he was seeking to evoke in his audience.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.45.188. His movements, however, were restrained, and he always stood on the same spot throughout a speech: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33.</ref> Though he had studied rhetoric in Greece and Asia, Crassus was apparently not enormously interested in the theoretical side of oratory and disliked excessive dissection of rhetorical technique and craft.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97; 1.35.163; and throughout.</ref> His natural talent, albeit augmented by conscious study and exercise, was so great that he found it difficult to tolerate some of the instances of bad advocacy he encountered and tended to assume these must be deliberate acts of sabotage rather than mere incompetence.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.34.154-155 (exercises); 2.73.297-75.303 (intolerance of poor advocacy).</ref> The fact that his oratorical brilliance was largely innate rather than consciously generated may explain why he was always reticent when asked to explain how he did it.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97-99.</ref>	+	Crassus was much admired by Cicero, who tends to regard him as the greatest orator not only of his generation but of any generation up to his own;<ref>E.g., Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> and Cicero's admiration is confirmed, to a greater or lesser extent, by every source that mentions him. He was also perhaps the first to build so successful a career almost exclusively on oratorical prowess without any significant military achievements.<ref>In this, too, he prefigures Cicero, and indeed was in a way more successful than the latter in that he reached the office of ''censor''. Others had previously built political success without military victories, but generally these were based on fields of distinction other than oratory, such as law ([[Tiberius Coruncanius\|Ti. Coruncanius]]) or religion ([[Gaius Servilius Geminus cos. 203\|C. Servilius Geminus]], perhaps).</ref> His contribution to the development of Roman oratory was by all accounts considerable, not so much for any particular technical or stylistic innovations as for a greater finesse, elegance, and command of rhythm and sound, as well as subtler and more carefully chosen strategies of argument and persuasion. He may well have been among the first to publish speeches in written form.<ref>Dominik, W., & Hall, J. (eds), ‘’’A Companion To Roman Rhetoric’’’ (Blackwell, 2007), p.242-243.</ref> Among the many qualities in his oratory praised by the sources, those that stand out most are its dignity, wit, and charm.<ref>See, for example, Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> His very quick and cutting sense of humour is attested by the large number of his jokes that the sources have preserved, and Cicero says that he was particularly gifted in ''altercatio'', the rapid and spontaneous exchange of repartee with an opponent.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 43.159. His barbed wit is mentioned, and examples provided, in Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.54.220-2.56.227 and 2.59.240-242. In the same work, at 2.71.289, is a hint that his comic delivery was usually dead-pan.</ref> Though in this way his mind evidently worked quickly, he also spent time in intense thought and could often be seen to gaze fixedly in meditation before making speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.5.17.</ref> He chose his words carefully and avoided clichés and well-worn phrases.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33. Rackham, H., '''Cicero ''De Oratore''''' (Harvard University Press, 1942), vol. 2 p. 29, translates "''obsoletior''" as "old-fashioned" but it surely has its more usual meaning of "worn-out" or "hackneyed" (compare the '''Oxford Latin Dictionary''', which in fact cites this passage as an example of this meaning).</ref> In comparison with M. Antonius he is said to have been less vigorous and less effective in evoking a mood of instinctive sympathy for a client, but more skilled in logical argumentation in court and more effective in persuading crowds in his political speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 39.144 (logical argument); 44.165 (effectiveness in public meetings).</ref> With respect to political speeches he seems to have been the first, or at least among the first, to adapt populist language and rhetorical tactics to pro-senatorial use.<ref>As has been mentioned with respect to the [[Lucius Licinius Crassus#Pro Cn. Planco and the changing political landscape\|speech on the ''lex Servilia'']]; see also Dominik, W., & Hall, J. (eds), '''A Companion To Roman Rhetoric''' (Blackwell, 2007), p.243.</ref> Although he was a pleasant conversationalist, it was not his voice so much as his delivery (forceful and passionate in his youth, gentler and smoother in his later years) that marked him out.<ref>Cicero, '''''de officiis''''', 1.37.133, saying that the Lutatii Catuli were equally pleasing in ordinary conversation; '''''de oratore''''', 1.60.255, saying he spoke "''remissius et lenius''" in comparison to his earlier "''summa vis et contentio''".</ref> Not only his vocal delivery but also his movements and facial expressions were such that he seemed to be genuinely moved but whatever emotion he was seeking to evoke in his audience.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.45.188. His movements, however, were restrained, and he always stood on the same spot throughout a speech: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33.</ref> Though he had studied rhetoric in Greece and Asia, Crassus was apparently not enormously interested in the theoretical side of oratory and disliked excessive dissection of rhetorical technique and craft.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97; 1.35.163; and throughout.</ref> His natural talent, albeit augmented by conscious study and exercise, was so great that he found it difficult to tolerate some of the instances of bad advocacy he encountered and tended to assume these must be deliberate acts of sabotage rather than mere incompetence.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.34.154-155 (exercises); 2.73.297-75.303 (intolerance of poor advocacy).</ref> The fact that his oratorical brilliance was largely innate rather than consciously generated may explain why he was always reticent when asked to explain how he did it.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97-99.</ref>

	===As a lawyer===		===As a lawyer===

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: Just when you (and I) thought it was finished - two more little footnotes and an extra sentence.

2009-02-18T20:06:05Z

Just when you (and I) thought it was finished - two more little footnotes and an extra sentence.

← Older revision		Revision as of 20:06, 18 February 2009
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	By {{-110}} the Metellan group had emerged from this difficult period and established itself as supreme in political life. Its members were no longer opposing the senatorial elite: they had become the senatorial elite. This, together with the passing years, might in itself be enough to explain a drift toward a more conservative outlook on Crassus' part. But around {{-109}} the senatorial class as a whole came under fire over the matter of the [[war with Iugurtha]]. [[Iugurtha]] had expanded his north African kingdom at the expense of his brothers and in defiance of Roman orders, but the senate had taken no firm move against him until he finally made the mistake of executing a number of Roman merchants in the captured city of Cirta. After some fighting the wily Iugurtha surrendered, allowed himself to be summoned to Rome to explain himself, and once there not only managed to get a tribune to forbid him from speaking but took the opportunity, before returning to Africa, to assassinate a rival who had taken refuge in Italy. Once back in Africa he promptly resumed the war and inflicted a humiliating defeat on the Roman army.<ref>Sallust, '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 8-39; Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp. 46-47.</ref> All this aroused great indignation in Rome among both ordinary people and ''equites'': most felt that the senate had been too lenient with Iugurtha, and many believed that ''senatores'' had been bribed.<ref>Sallust, '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 7.7; Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.143.</ref> {{-109}} the ''[[tribunus plebis]]'' [[Gaius Mamilius Limetanus\|C. Mamilius]] set up a special court, almost certainly with a jury-panel exclusively of ''equites'' like ordinary courts at the time, and brought charges against nearly everyone involved.<ref>Sallust, '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 40.1.</ref> Few of the targets were close associates of the Metellan group, and most of them seem to have been targeted less for their role in the war and more for their role in the suppression of the Gracchi nearly fifteen years before.<ref>Sallust comments that the prosecutions were "''magis odio nobilitatis... quam cura rei publicae''" ("more from hatred of the nobility... than from care for the republic"): '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 40.3). Among the targets were [[Lucius Opimius\|L. Opimius]] (the ''consul'' who killed C. Gracchus), [[Lucius Calpurnius Bestia\|L. Calpurnius]] (who had recalled from exile the man who had presided over persecutions of the followers of Ti. Gracchus), and [[Gaius Sulpicius Galba\|C. Galba]] (who had probably collaborated with the anti-Gracchans after the death of C. Gracchus).</ref> At least one of the victims, however, was apparently member of the group and was defended at trial by M. Scaurus, himself suspected by some of connivance with Iugurtha.<ref>For [[Lucius Calpurnius Bestia\|L. Calpurnius]]' links with the Metellan group, and for Scaurus' role in the whole affair, see Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.145-149. Gruen also regards [[Gaius Sulpicius Galba\|C. Galba]] and [[Gaius Porcius Cato\|C. Cato]] as members of the Metellan group, but the evidence is weak (pp. 145-147; 150).</ref> The trials were apparently not a partisan move but an attack on the whole senatorial class, and naturally prompted that class, including the Metellans, to close ranks against the populist tribunes. Many ''equites'', alienated from the senate by the perceived mismanagement of the war (and thus the disruption of trade with north Africa), were now aligned with the populists against the formerly sympathetic Metellans; by {{-108}} the champion of the ''equites'', [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]], had completely broken with the Metelli.		By {{-110}} the Metellan group had emerged from this difficult period and established itself as supreme in political life. Its members were no longer opposing the senatorial elite: they had become the senatorial elite. This, together with the passing years, might in itself be enough to explain a drift toward a more conservative outlook on Crassus' part. But around {{-109}} the senatorial class as a whole came under fire over the matter of the [[war with Iugurtha]]. [[Iugurtha]] had expanded his north African kingdom at the expense of his brothers and in defiance of Roman orders, but the senate had taken no firm move against him until he finally made the mistake of executing a number of Roman merchants in the captured city of Cirta. After some fighting the wily Iugurtha surrendered, allowed himself to be summoned to Rome to explain himself, and once there not only managed to get a tribune to forbid him from speaking but took the opportunity, before returning to Africa, to assassinate a rival who had taken refuge in Italy. Once back in Africa he promptly resumed the war and inflicted a humiliating defeat on the Roman army.<ref>Sallust, '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 8-39; Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp. 46-47.</ref> All this aroused great indignation in Rome among both ordinary people and ''equites'': most felt that the senate had been too lenient with Iugurtha, and many believed that ''senatores'' had been bribed.<ref>Sallust, '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 7.7; Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.143.</ref> {{-109}} the ''[[tribunus plebis]]'' [[Gaius Mamilius Limetanus\|C. Mamilius]] set up a special court, almost certainly with a jury-panel exclusively of ''equites'' like ordinary courts at the time, and brought charges against nearly everyone involved.<ref>Sallust, '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 40.1.</ref> Few of the targets were close associates of the Metellan group, and most of them seem to have been targeted less for their role in the war and more for their role in the suppression of the Gracchi nearly fifteen years before.<ref>Sallust comments that the prosecutions were "''magis odio nobilitatis... quam cura rei publicae''" ("more from hatred of the nobility... than from care for the republic"): '''''bellum Iugurthinum''''', 40.3). Among the targets were [[Lucius Opimius\|L. Opimius]] (the ''consul'' who killed C. Gracchus), [[Lucius Calpurnius Bestia\|L. Calpurnius]] (who had recalled from exile the man who had presided over persecutions of the followers of Ti. Gracchus), and [[Gaius Sulpicius Galba\|C. Galba]] (who had probably collaborated with the anti-Gracchans after the death of C. Gracchus).</ref> At least one of the victims, however, was apparently member of the group and was defended at trial by M. Scaurus, himself suspected by some of connivance with Iugurtha.<ref>For [[Lucius Calpurnius Bestia\|L. Calpurnius]]' links with the Metellan group, and for Scaurus' role in the whole affair, see Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.145-149. Gruen also regards [[Gaius Sulpicius Galba\|C. Galba]] and [[Gaius Porcius Cato\|C. Cato]] as members of the Metellan group, but the evidence is weak (pp. 145-147; 150).</ref> The trials were apparently not a partisan move but an attack on the whole senatorial class, and naturally prompted that class, including the Metellans, to close ranks against the populist tribunes. Many ''equites'', alienated from the senate by the perceived mismanagement of the war (and thus the disruption of trade with north Africa), were now aligned with the populists against the formerly sympathetic Metellans; by {{-108}} the champion of the ''equites'', [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]], had completely broken with the Metelli.

−	It is in this context that Crassus emerges with a more conservative and senatorial outlook, praising the senate and criticizing the ''equites'' (and particularly their abuse of judicial power) in his famous speech of {{-106}}. The surviving fragment of this speech (if that is indeed what it is) is also interesting in itself:<ref>The quotation in Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.52.225 is thought to belong to this speech by, among others, Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.158 n.7. On the other hand, however, Cicero seems to say that the speech from which the fragment is taken was delivered when Crassus was "a very famous man and an extremely distinguished leader of the community" ("''clarissimo viro, et amplissimo princip civitatis''"), which seems rather inflated if the fragment indeed belongs to {{-106}}. There is also the fact that the fragment may imply that Crassus was a member of the senate, which would be by no means impossible but perhaps a little surprising so early in his career.</ref> "Rescue us from our distress, rescue us from the jaws of those whose cruelty cannot be satisfied even by our blood; do not allow us to be subservient to anyone except yourselves collectively, whom we can and ought to serve."<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.52.225: "''Eripite nos ex miseriis, eripite nos ex faucibus eorum, quorum crudelitas nostro sanguine non potest expleri; nolite sinere nos cuiquam servire, nisi vobis universis, quibus et possumus et debemus''". Also quoted in Cicero, '''''paradoxa Stoicorum''''', 41, with a rather different opening phrase.</ref> First, the use of "us" may perhaps suggest that by this time Crassus was himself already a ''senator'', although it is possible that this fragment comes from a speech-within-a-speech in which Crassus describes what the senate might say to the people. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, although he speaks from a pro-senatorial point of view he does so using distinctly 'democratic' language, calling the senate the slave of the people. This was by no means a standard analysis of the Roman constitution, and indeed the highly conservative [[Publius Rutilius Rufus cos. 105\|P. Rutilius]] disapproved of this passage, perhaps for that reason.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.53.227.</ref> Of course in a speech to a crowd of the great unwashed any politician may perhaps express himself in democratic language for the sake of expediency, but it is also possible that this was Crassus' sincere belief about the relationship between the senate and the people.<ref>There was indeed a large crowd: "''in maxima contione''" (Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.52.225).</ref> All this may not be enough to dismiss all charges of inconsistency, but it may perhaps persuade us that the inconsistency arose from a genuine change of view in light of changing circumstances rather than mere popularity-seeking disingenuity in his youth.	+	It is in this context that Crassus emerges with a more conservative and senatorial outlook, praising the senate and criticizing the ''equites'' (and particularly their abuse of judicial power) in his famous speech of {{-106}}. The surviving fragment of this speech (if that is indeed what it is) is also interesting in itself:<ref>The quotation in Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.52.225 is thought to belong to this speech by, among others, Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.158 n.7; Dominik, W., & Hall, J. (eds), '''A Companion To Roman Rhetoric''' (Blackwell, 2007), p.242. On the other hand, however, Cicero seems to say that the speech from which the fragment is taken was delivered when Crassus was "a very famous man and an extremely distinguished leader of the community" ("''clarissimo viro, et amplissimo princip civitatis''"), which seems rather inflated if the fragment indeed belongs to {{-106}}. There is also the fact that the fragment may imply that Crassus was a member of the senate, which would be by no means impossible but perhaps a little surprising so early in his career.</ref> "Rescue us from our distress, rescue us from the jaws of those whose cruelty cannot be satisfied even by our blood; do not allow us to be subservient to anyone except yourselves collectively, whom we can and ought to serve."<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.52.225: "''Eripite nos ex miseriis, eripite nos ex faucibus eorum, quorum crudelitas nostro sanguine non potest expleri; nolite sinere nos cuiquam servire, nisi vobis universis, quibus et possumus et debemus''". Also quoted in Cicero, '''''paradoxa Stoicorum''''', 41, with a rather different opening phrase.</ref> First, the use of "us" may perhaps suggest that by this time Crassus was himself already a ''senator'', although it is possible that this fragment comes from a speech-within-a-speech in which Crassus describes what the senate might say to the people. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, although he speaks from a pro-senatorial point of view he does so using distinctly 'democratic' language, calling the senate the slave of the people. This was by no means a standard analysis of the Roman constitution, and indeed the highly conservative [[Publius Rutilius Rufus cos. 105\|P. Rutilius]] disapproved of this passage, perhaps for that reason.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.53.227.</ref> Of course in a speech to a crowd of the great unwashed any politician may perhaps express himself in democratic language for the sake of expediency, but it is also possible that this was Crassus' sincere belief about the relationship between the senate and the people.<ref>There was indeed a large crowd: "''in maxima contione''" (Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.52.225).</ref> All this may not be enough to dismiss all charges of inconsistency, but it may perhaps persuade us that the inconsistency arose from a genuine change of view in light of changing circumstances rather than mere popularity-seeking disingenuity in his youth.

	===''Aedilis curulis'' in a time of upheaval===		===''Aedilis curulis'' in a time of upheaval===
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	===As an orator===		===As an orator===

−	Crassus was much admired by Cicero, who tends to regard him as the greatest orator not only of his generation but of any generation up to his own;<ref>E.g., Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> and Cicero's admiration is confirmed, to a greater or lesser extent, by every source that mentions him. He was also perhaps the first to build so successful a career almost exclusively on oratorical prowess without any significant military achievements.<ref>In this, too, he prefigures Cicero, and indeed was in a way more successful than the latter in that he reached the office of ''censor''. Others had previously built political success without military victories, but generally these were based on fields of distinction other than oratory, such as law ([[Tiberius Coruncanius\|Ti. Coruncanius]]) or religion ([[Gaius Servilius Geminus cos. 203\|C. Servilius Geminus]], perhaps).</ref> His contribution to the development of Roman oratory was by all accounts considerable, not so much for any particular technical or stylistic innovations as for a greater finesse, elegance, and command of rhythm and sound, as well as subtler and more carefully chosen strategies of argument and persuasion. Among the many qualities in his oratory praised by the sources, those that stand out most are its dignity, wit, and charm.<ref>See, for example, Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> His very quick and cutting sense of humour is attested by the large number of his jokes that the sources have preserved, and Cicero says that he was particularly gifted in ''altercatio'', the rapid and spontaneous exchange of repartee with an opponent.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 43.159. His barbed wit is mentioned, and examples provided, in Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.54.220-2.56.227 and 2.59.240-242. In the same work, at 2.71.289, is a hint that his comic delivery was usually dead-pan.</ref> Though in this way his mind evidently worked quickly, he also spent time in intense thought and could often be seen to gaze fixedly in meditation before making speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.5.17.</ref> He chose his words carefully and avoided clichés and well-worn phrases.<ref>Cicero, ''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33. Rackham, H., '''Cicero ''De Oratore''''' (Harvard University Press, 1942), vol. 2 p. 29, translates "''obsoletior''" as "old-fashioned" but it surely has its more usual meaning of "worn-out" or "hackneyed" (compare the '''Oxford Latin Dictionary''', which in fact cites this passage as an example of this meaning).</ref> In comparison with M. Antonius he is said to have been less vigorous and less effective in evoking a mood of instinctive sympathy for a client, but more skilled in logical argumentation in court and more effective in persuading crowds in his political speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 39.144 (logical argument); 44.165 (effectiveness in public meetings).</ref> Although he was a pleasant conversationalist, it was not his voice so much as his delivery (forceful and passionate in his youth, gentler and smoother in his later years) that marked him out.<ref>Cicero, '''''de officiis''''', 1.37.133, saying that the Lutatii Catuli were equally pleasing in ordinary conversation; '''''de oratore''''', 1.60.255, saying he spoke "''remissius et lenius''" in comparison to his earlier "''summa vis et contentio''".</ref> Not only his vocal delivery but also his movements and facial expressions were such that he seemed to be genuinely moved but whatever emotion he was seeking to evoke in his audience.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.45.188. His movements, however, were restrained, and he always stood on the same spot throughout a speech: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33.</ref> Though he had studied rhetoric in Greece and Asia, Crassus was apparently not enormously interested in the theoretical side of oratory and disliked excessive dissection of rhetorical technique and craft.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97; 1.35.163; and throughout.</ref> His natural talent, albeit augmented by conscious study and exercise, was so great that he found it difficult to tolerate some of the instances of bad advocacy he encountered and tended to assume these must be deliberate acts of sabotage rather than mere incompetence.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.34.154-155 (exercises); 2.73.297-75.303 (intolerance of poor advocacy).</ref> The fact that his oratorical brilliance was largely innate rather than consciously generated may explain why he was always reticent when asked to explain how he did it.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97-99.</ref>	+	Crassus was much admired by Cicero, who tends to regard him as the greatest orator not only of his generation but of any generation up to his own;<ref>E.g., Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> and Cicero's admiration is confirmed, to a greater or lesser extent, by every source that mentions him. He was also perhaps the first to build so successful a career almost exclusively on oratorical prowess without any significant military achievements.<ref>In this, too, he prefigures Cicero, and indeed was in a way more successful than the latter in that he reached the office of ''censor''. Others had previously built political success without military victories, but generally these were based on fields of distinction other than oratory, such as law ([[Tiberius Coruncanius\|Ti. Coruncanius]]) or religion ([[Gaius Servilius Geminus cos. 203\|C. Servilius Geminus]], perhaps).</ref> His contribution to the development of Roman oratory was by all accounts considerable, not so much for any particular technical or stylistic innovations as for a greater finesse, elegance, and command of rhythm and sound, as well as subtler and more carefully chosen strategies of argument and persuasion. He may well have been among the first to publish speeches in written form.<ref>Dominik, W., & Hall, J. (eds), ‘’’A Companion To Roman Rhetoric’’’ (Blackwell, 2007), p.242-243.</ref> Among the many qualities in his oratory praised by the sources, those that stand out most are its dignity, wit, and charm.<ref>See, for example, Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 38.143.</ref> His very quick and cutting sense of humour is attested by the large number of his jokes that the sources have preserved, and Cicero says that he was particularly gifted in ''altercatio'', the rapid and spontaneous exchange of repartee with an opponent.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 43.159. His barbed wit is mentioned, and examples provided, in Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.54.220-2.56.227 and 2.59.240-242. In the same work, at 2.71.289, is a hint that his comic delivery was usually dead-pan.</ref> Though in this way his mind evidently worked quickly, he also spent time in intense thought and could often be seen to gaze fixedly in meditation before making speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.5.17.</ref> He chose his words carefully and avoided clichés and well-worn phrases.<ref>Cicero, ''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33. Rackham, H., '''Cicero ''De Oratore''''' (Harvard University Press, 1942), vol. 2 p. 29, translates "''obsoletior''" as "old-fashioned" but it surely has its more usual meaning of "worn-out" or "hackneyed" (compare the '''Oxford Latin Dictionary''', which in fact cites this passage as an example of this meaning).</ref> In comparison with M. Antonius he is said to have been less vigorous and less effective in evoking a mood of instinctive sympathy for a client, but more skilled in logical argumentation in court and more effective in persuading crowds in his political speeches.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 39.144 (logical argument); 44.165 (effectiveness in public meetings).</ref> With respect to political speeches he seems to have been the first, or at least among the first, to adapt populist language and rhetorical tactics to pro-senatorial use.<ref>As has been mentioned with respect to the [[Lucius Licinius Crassus#Pro Cn. Planco and the changing political landscape\|speech on the ''lex Servilia'']]; see also Dominik, W., & Hall, J. (eds), '''A Companion To Roman Rhetoric''' (Blackwell, 2007), p.243.</ref> Although he was a pleasant conversationalist, it was not his voice so much as his delivery (forceful and passionate in his youth, gentler and smoother in his later years) that marked him out.<ref>Cicero, '''''de officiis''''', 1.37.133, saying that the Lutatii Catuli were equally pleasing in ordinary conversation; '''''de oratore''''', 1.60.255, saying he spoke "''remissius et lenius''" in comparison to his earlier "''summa vis et contentio''".</ref> Not only his vocal delivery but also his movements and facial expressions were such that he seemed to be genuinely moved but whatever emotion he was seeking to evoke in his audience.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.45.188. His movements, however, were restrained, and he always stood on the same spot throughout a speech: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.9.33.</ref> Though he had studied rhetoric in Greece and Asia, Crassus was apparently not enormously interested in the theoretical side of oratory and disliked excessive dissection of rhetorical technique and craft.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97; 1.35.163; and throughout.</ref> His natural talent, albeit augmented by conscious study and exercise, was so great that he found it difficult to tolerate some of the instances of bad advocacy he encountered and tended to assume these must be deliberate acts of sabotage rather than mere incompetence.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.34.154-155 (exercises); 2.73.297-75.303 (intolerance of poor advocacy).</ref> The fact that his oratorical brilliance was largely innate rather than consciously generated may explain why he was always reticent when asked to explain how he did it.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.21.97-99.</ref>

	===As a lawyer===		===As a lawyer===

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: Partial re-write and final years: now complete (at last!)

2009-02-17T19:40:38Z

Partial re-write and final years: now complete (at last!)

Show changes

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: /* ''Pro Matrinio'' */ A little more.

2007-10-19T19:06:21Z

''Pro Matrinio'': A little more.

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:06, 19 October 2007
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	Within a few years after Crassus' consulate, a citizen of Spoletum named T. Matrinius was prosecuted for an offence under the ''[[lex Licinia Mucia de civibus redigundis\|lex Licinia Mucia]]''.<ref>There is no specific evidence of the date except that it must obviously have been after {{-95}} when the ''lex'' was passed and before {{-91}} when Crassus died. Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90s B.C.''' (Historia, 1966), pp.48-49, suggests placing the trial in a political context which would put it closer to {{-95}}.</ref> Matrinius had been given Roman citizenship by [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]], who had been authorized to do so by a ''[[lex Appuleia de coloniis deducendis]]''; the prosecutor L. Antistius challenged the validity of the grant on what appears to have been a technical point of law.<ref>Cicero, '''''pro Balbo''''', 48.</ref> Marius himself appeared and said a few words in support of Matrinius, and it is said that by his great authority he secured an acquittal.<ref>Cicero, '''''pro Balbo''''', 49.</ref> There is a difficulty, however, about Crassus' involvement, for the source is ambiguous: it has been read as saying that Crassus undertook the defence, and it has also been read as saying that he did not.<ref>The crucial sentence is: "''Tanta auctoritas in C. Mario fuit ut non per L. Crassum, adfinem suum, hominem incredibili eloquentia, sed paucis ipse verbis causam illam gravitate sua defenderit et probarit''". It can be translated as "C. Marius had such authority that he defended and vindicated the case not by L. Crassus, his relative and a man of incredible eloquence, but by his own few words and his seriousness". The meaning may be that C. Marius did not even trouble to ask for Crassus' help, or it may be that although Crassus conducted the defence it was Marius who carried the day. Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90s B.C.''' (Historia, 1966), pp.48-49, supports the latter interpretation. Bauman, R.A., '''Lawyers In Roman Republican Politics''' (C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung München, 1983), p.368, rejects this possibility apparently on the grounds that it would have been inconsistent for Crassus, who had legislated against false citizens, to defend someone who was being accused of false citizenship under his own statute; but if Matrinius was not guilty then he was not a false citizen and it would not have been at all inconsistent for Crassus to defend him.</ref>		Within a few years after Crassus' consulate, a citizen of Spoletum named T. Matrinius was prosecuted for an offence under the ''[[lex Licinia Mucia de civibus redigundis\|lex Licinia Mucia]]''.<ref>There is no specific evidence of the date except that it must obviously have been after {{-95}} when the ''lex'' was passed and before {{-91}} when Crassus died. Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90s B.C.''' (Historia, 1966), pp.48-49, suggests placing the trial in a political context which would put it closer to {{-95}}.</ref> Matrinius had been given Roman citizenship by [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]], who had been authorized to do so by a ''[[lex Appuleia de coloniis deducendis]]''; the prosecutor L. Antistius challenged the validity of the grant on what appears to have been a technical point of law.<ref>Cicero, '''''pro Balbo''''', 48.</ref> Marius himself appeared and said a few words in support of Matrinius, and it is said that by his great authority he secured an acquittal.<ref>Cicero, '''''pro Balbo''''', 49.</ref> There is a difficulty, however, about Crassus' involvement, for the source is ambiguous: it has been read as saying that Crassus undertook the defence, and it has also been read as saying that he did not.<ref>The crucial sentence is: "''Tanta auctoritas in C. Mario fuit ut non per L. Crassum, adfinem suum, hominem incredibili eloquentia, sed paucis ipse verbis causam illam gravitate sua defenderit et probarit''". It can be translated as "C. Marius had such authority that he defended and vindicated the case not by L. Crassus, his relative and a man of incredible eloquence, but by his own few words and his seriousness". The meaning may be that C. Marius did not even trouble to ask for Crassus' help, or it may be that although Crassus conducted the defence it was Marius who carried the day. Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90s B.C.''' (Historia, 1966), pp.48-49, supports the latter interpretation. Bauman, R.A., '''Lawyers In Roman Republican Politics''' (C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung München, 1983), p.368, rejects this possibility apparently on the grounds that it would have been inconsistent for Crassus, who had legislated against false citizens, to defend someone who was being accused of false citizenship under his own statute; but if Matrinius was not guilty then he was not a false citizen and it would not have been at all inconsistent for Crassus to defend him.</ref>

−		+	If Crassus did defend Matrinius, it was presumably because Marius had called upon the bond of loyalty created by the marriage of their children. Although from a legal and logical standpoint there was no inconsistency between Crassus' opposition to false citizens and his defence of a man accused of being a false citizen, it could nonetheless have been a slightly uncomfortable position for him. The prosecution may even have been engineered partly to achieve this result, as well as to create tension between Crassus and those of his allies who were no friends of Marius.<ref>This is the suggestion of Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90s B.C.''' (Historia, 1966), pp.48-49.</ref> But in view of the uncertainty about Crassus' involvement, little can confidently be built on it.

	==[[Cursus honorum\|''Cursus honorum'']]<ref>For sources see Broughton, T.R.S., '''The Magistrates Of The Roman Republic''' (American Philological Association, 1951).</ref>==		==[[Cursus honorum\|''Cursus honorum'']]<ref>For sources see Broughton, T.R.S., '''The Magistrates Of The Roman Republic''' (American Philological Association, 1951).</ref>==

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: A couple of trials.

2007-10-19T18:58:05Z

A couple of trials.

Show changes

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: Finished the consulate.

2007-10-16T13:45:07Z

Finished the consulate.

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:45, 16 October 2007
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	===''In C. Carbonem''===		===''In C. Carbonem''===

−	His first notable accomplishment as an orator was his prosecution of [[Gaius Papirius Carbo\|C. Papirius Carbo]], apparently {{-119}} just after Carbo's consulate. Carbo had been an associate of [[Gaius Sempronius Gracchus\|C. Sempronius Gracchus]] but distanced himself from Gracchus after the latter's death and even defended his killer in court.<ref>For details and sources see [[Gaius Papirius Carbo\|Carbo's biography]].</ref> The charge on which Carbo was prosecuted is unknown.<ref> Gruen argues that it was extortion: Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 108-109. See below for more on the political context of the trial.</ref> In any case, Carbo anticipated conviction and killed himself, and the prosecution evidently established Crassus as a rising star of the law-courts.<ref>Carbo's suicide: Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 103. Valerius Maximus, a less reliable source, says Carbo went into exile (3.7.6). On the trial's importance for Crassus' career, Cicero says, "''Accusavit C. Carbonem eloquentissimum hominem admodum adulescens; summam ingeni non laudem modo sed etiam admirationem est consecutus.''" ("He prosecuted C. Carbo, an excellent speaker, when he was only a boy; thus he achieved not only the highest praise but also applause for his abilities.") ('''''Brutus''''', 159).</ref> It is not known how far, if at all, the trial had progressed before Carbo gave up hope, and his despair may have been prompted as much by the political power of his enemies as by the rhetorical powers of his accuser; nonetheless, Crassus, only 21 years old, had defeated a consular who was also a very distinguished orator, and Cicero identifies this as the case which brought him to prominence.<ref>Carbo's oratorical reputation: Cicero, "''Hic optimus illis temporibus est patronus habitus''" ("He was held the best advocate of those times") ('''''Brutus''''', 106); Carbo is also listed among famous orators of the period by Velleius Paterculus, 2.9.1. For Cicero's comment on the case's role in Crassus' career, see the previous note.</ref>	+	His first notable accomplishment as an orator was his prosecution of [[Gaius Papirius Carbo cos. 120\|C. Papirius Carbo]], apparently {{-119}} just after Carbo's consulate. Carbo had been an associate of [[Gaius Sempronius Gracchus\|C. Sempronius Gracchus]] but distanced himself from Gracchus after the latter's death and even defended his killer in court.<ref>For details and sources see [[Gaius Papirius Carbo cos. 120\|Carbo's biography]].</ref> The charge on which Carbo was prosecuted is unknown.<ref> Gruen argues that it was extortion: Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 108-109. See below for more on the political context of the trial.</ref> In any case, Carbo anticipated conviction and killed himself, and the prosecution evidently established Crassus as a rising star of the law-courts.<ref>Carbo's suicide: Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 103. Valerius Maximus, a less reliable source, says Carbo went into exile (3.7.6). On the trial's importance for Crassus' career, Cicero says, "''Accusavit C. Carbonem eloquentissimum hominem admodum adulescens; summam ingeni non laudem modo sed etiam admirationem est consecutus.''" ("He prosecuted C. Carbo, an excellent speaker, when he was only a boy; thus he achieved not only the highest praise but also applause for his abilities.") ('''''Brutus''''', 159).</ref> It is not known how far, if at all, the trial had progressed before Carbo gave up hope, and his despair may have been prompted as much by the political power of his enemies as by the rhetorical powers of his accuser; nonetheless, Crassus, only 21 years old, had defeated a consular who was also a very distinguished orator, and Cicero identifies this as the case which brought him to prominence.<ref>Carbo's oratorical reputation: Cicero, "''Hic optimus illis temporibus est patronus habitus''" ("He was held the best advocate of those times") ('''''Brutus''''', 106); Carbo is also listed among famous orators of the period by Velleius Paterculus, 2.9.1. For Cicero's comment on the case's role in Crassus' career, see the previous note.</ref>

	===''De colonia Narbonem deducenda''===		===''De colonia Narbonem deducenda''===
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	===Allegiances===		===Allegiances===

−	At this point it is perhaps worth looking back over the first five years of Crassus' public career to see what can be discerned of his political views and allegiances during that period. The time of the Gracchi had seen an alliance of the many ''equites'' with the rural ''plebs'' against the opposition of senatorial conservatism. A number of important ''nobiles'' had also supported the Gracchi. These included [[Publius Mucius Scaevola\|P. Mucius Scaevola]] and his brother [[Publius Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus\|P. Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus]], each of whom may have had links to the young L. Crassus. P. Crassus was, of course, his adoptive relative; P. Scaevola was the father of [[Quintus Mucius Scaevola Pontifex\|Q. Scaevola]], with whom Crassus enjoyed a famous partnership throughout his political career: they were colleagues in every office Crassus held except the tribunate and the censorship.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 161.</ref> They must have been born within a year or so of one another and may well have grown up together. P. Scaevola and P. Crassus also had a first cousin, another [[Quintus Mucius Scaevola Augur\|Q. Scaevola]], whose daughter Mucia married L. Crassus some time before {{-118}}.<ref>For the relationships among the Scaevolae and Licinii, see Münzer, F., '''Roman Aristocratic Parties And Families''' (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 238, 255. The evidence for the date of Crassus' marriage to Mucia comes from Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.171, which quotes from a satire of Lucilius on the prosecution of Q. Scaevola by T. Albucius: Lucilius depicts Scaevola as referring to Crassus as his son-in-law. The trial took place {{-119}} and may have continued into {{-118}} ~~and~~ is discussed by Bauman, R.A., '''Lawyers In Roman Republican Politics''' (C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung München, 1983). Crassus and his father-in-law also seem to have had a mutual friend in Granius the herald: Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.116 with n.47.</ref>	+	At this point it is perhaps worth looking back over the first five years of Crassus' public career to see what can be discerned of his political views and allegiances during that period. The time of the Gracchi had seen an alliance of the many ''equites'' with the rural ''plebs'' against the opposition of senatorial conservatism. A number of important ''nobiles'' had also supported the Gracchi. These included [[Publius Mucius Scaevola\|P. Mucius Scaevola]] and his brother [[Publius Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus\|P. Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus]], each of whom may have had links to the young L. Crassus. P. Crassus was, of course, his adoptive relative; P. Scaevola was the father of [[Quintus Mucius Scaevola Pontifex\|Q. Scaevola]], with whom Crassus enjoyed a famous partnership throughout his political career: they were colleagues in every office Crassus held except the tribunate and the censorship.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 161.</ref> They must have been born within a year or so of one another and may well have grown up together. P. Scaevola and P. Crassus also had a first cousin, another [[Quintus Mucius Scaevola Augur\|Q. Scaevola]], whose daughter Mucia married L. Crassus some time before {{-118}}.<ref>For the relationships among the Scaevolae and Licinii, see Münzer, F., '''Roman Aristocratic Parties And Families''' (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 238, 255. The evidence for the date of Crassus' marriage to Mucia comes from Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 3.171, which quotes from a satire of Lucilius on the prosecution of Q. Scaevola by T. Albucius: Lucilius depicts Scaevola as referring to Crassus as his son-in-law. The trial took place {{-119}} and may have continued into {{-118}}; it is discussed by Bauman, R.A., '''Lawyers In Roman Republican Politics''' (C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung München, 1983), pp.321-329. Crassus and his father-in-law also seem to have had a mutual friend in Granius the herald: Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.116 with n.47.</ref>

	It seems, however, that Crassus' father-in-law had kept his distance from the Gracchi and their radical agenda, though he equally condemned those who murdered them and persecuted their followers.<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.112-116.</ref> He was, in fact, a member of a loose group of prominent men who had either kept quiet or steered a middle course in the Gracchan crisis and who came to dominate the political scene in the decade afterwards. This group appears to have been centred on the large and noble family of the Caecilii Metelli. It also included the Servilii Caepiones, one of whom was the [[Quintus Servilius Caepio\|Q. Caepio]] whose ''lex iudiciaria'' Crassus supported {{-106}} and whose son he later praised {{-95}}; the same Caepio was also related by marriage to [[Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus cos. 96\|Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus]] who was Crassus' colleague as ''[[duumvir]]'' and probably joined him in supporting the colony at Narbo.<ref>On the Metelli and the Caepiones see Münzer, F., '''Roman Aristocratic Parties And Families''' (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 226-236; Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp.44-5.</ref> Crassus is tied to the Metelli also through his daughters: one later married the younger [[Gaius Marius cos. 82\|C. Marius]], son of the famous [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|Marius]] who was a protege of the Metelli; the other later married [[Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio pr. 93\|P. Scipio Nasica]], the son of a woman of the Metellan family.<ref>The marriages: Münzer, F., '''Roman Aristocratic Parties And Families''' (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), p.238. Marius and the Metelli: Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp.44-5. Scipio and the Metelli: Guen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 117.</ref>		It seems, however, that Crassus' father-in-law had kept his distance from the Gracchi and their radical agenda, though he equally condemned those who murdered them and persecuted their followers.<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.112-116.</ref> He was, in fact, a member of a loose group of prominent men who had either kept quiet or steered a middle course in the Gracchan crisis and who came to dominate the political scene in the decade afterwards. This group appears to have been centred on the large and noble family of the Caecilii Metelli. It also included the Servilii Caepiones, one of whom was the [[Quintus Servilius Caepio\|Q. Caepio]] whose ''lex iudiciaria'' Crassus supported {{-106}} and whose son he later praised {{-95}}; the same Caepio was also related by marriage to [[Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus cos. 96\|Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus]] who was Crassus' colleague as ''[[duumvir]]'' and probably joined him in supporting the colony at Narbo.<ref>On the Metelli and the Caepiones see Münzer, F., '''Roman Aristocratic Parties And Families''' (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 226-236; Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp.44-5.</ref> Crassus is tied to the Metelli also through his daughters: one later married the younger [[Gaius Marius cos. 82\|C. Marius]], son of the famous [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|Marius]] who was a protege of the Metelli; the other later married [[Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio pr. 93\|P. Scipio Nasica]], the son of a woman of the Metellan family.<ref>The marriages: Münzer, F., '''Roman Aristocratic Parties And Families''' (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), p.238. Marius and the Metelli: Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp.44-5. Scipio and the Metelli: Guen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 117.</ref>
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	As ''consul'' Crassus was also called upon to defend the young [[Quintus Servilius Caepio qu. 100\|Q. Caepio]], son of his old ally.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 44.162.</ref> The charge was of ''maiestas'', and was based upon events of that tumultuous year {{-100}} when Caepio forcibly broke up the meeting at which [[Lucius Appuleius Saturninus tr. pl. 103\|Saturninus]] tried to pass his ''lex agraria''. Though Crassus' speech was brief (and perhaps unenthusiastic, given Caepio's disruptive behaviour and hostility to Crassus' allies M. Scaurus and M. Drusus), Caepio was acquitted.<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.195-196. Though the outcome of the trial is not explicitly recorded, Caepio was still around and making trouble again a few years later.</ref>		As ''consul'' Crassus was also called upon to defend the young [[Quintus Servilius Caepio qu. 100\|Q. Caepio]], son of his old ally.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 44.162.</ref> The charge was of ''maiestas'', and was based upon events of that tumultuous year {{-100}} when Caepio forcibly broke up the meeting at which [[Lucius Appuleius Saturninus tr. pl. 103\|Saturninus]] tried to pass his ''lex agraria''. Though Crassus' speech was brief (and perhaps unenthusiastic, given Caepio's disruptive behaviour and hostility to Crassus' allies M. Scaurus and M. Drusus), Caepio was acquitted.<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.195-196. Though the outcome of the trial is not explicitly recorded, Caepio was still around and making trouble again a few years later.</ref>

−	Crassus' consular province was ~~in Gaul, perhaps~~ [[Gallia Cisalpina]].	+	Crassus' consular province was ''[[Gallia Cisalpina]]''.<ref>Cicero, '''''de inventione''''', 2.111.</ref> There he hunted down and defeated some bandits who had been distressing the province.<ref>Cicero, '''''de inventione''''', 2.111.</ref> These bandits were, it seems, few, disorganized and lacking leadership, and were in general not worthy of official designation as ''hostes populi Romani'' (enemies of the Roman people).<ref>Cicero, '''''de inventione''''', 2.111.</ref> Consequently, when he asked the senate for a triumph on account of his victory, his friend and colleague Q. Scaevola vetoed the motion, maintaing the traditional rule that a triumph could only be granted in recognition of a victory over a ''hostis''.<ref>Cicero, '''''de inventione''''', 2.111; '''''in Pisonem''''', 26, with Asconius' commentary.</ref> Some have seen this as a result, or as the start, of a breach between the two men, but the evidence is not clear.<ref>Discussed in Bauman, R.A., '''Lawyers In Roman Republican Politics''' (C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung München, 1983), p.347.</ref>

		+	It may be that the unimpressive nature of Crassus' victory was reported to Rome by [[Gaius Papirius Carbo Arvina\|C. Carbo]], son of the [[Gaius Papirius Carbo cos. 120\|Carbo]] whom Crassus had prosecuted in his youth. Carbo went to visit Crassus' province, reportedly with the sole aim of discrediting the man he blamed for his father's death; Crassus, however, immediately took him in, gave him a place on his senior staff, and made a point of seeking his advice on all matters.<ref>Valerius Maximus, 3.7.6.</ref> This was perhaps merely a clever way of neutralizing a hostile intruder, but Crassus is said to have regretted the elder Carbo's suicide and may have genuinely wished the young man well.<ref>Cicero, '''''in Verrem''''', 2.3.3.</ref>


−	==[[Cursus honorum\|''Cursus honorum'']]<ref>For sources see Broughton, T.R.S., '''The Magistrates Of The Roman Republic''' (American Philological Association, 1951)</ref>==	+
		+
		+
		+	==[[Cursus honorum\|''Cursus honorum'']]<ref>For sources see Broughton, T.R.S., '''The Magistrates Of The Roman Republic''' (American Philological Association, 1951).</ref>==

	* [[Duumvir coloniae deducendae\|''Duumvir coloniae deducendae'']]		* [[Duumvir coloniae deducendae\|''Duumvir coloniae deducendae'']]

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: The consulate.

2007-10-04T16:29:59Z

The consulate.

← Older revision		Revision as of 16:29, 4 October 2007
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	The period from {{-106}} to {{-98}} was a tumultuous one in Roman politics, but apparently a quiet one for L. Crassus. It can be sketched briefly here.<ref>A survey is provided by Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp.50-59.</ref> {{-105}} [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]] returned victorious from the war against [[Iugurtha]]. Meanwhile Roman forces had suffered terrible defeat at Arausio in Gallia, and the people bypassed the senate to appoint Marius to lead the Gallic campaign. The campaign had suffered a number of setbacks under the command of noble senatorial generals, and the distaster of Arausio triggered a further backlash against the political elite in general and one member in particular. The blame for Arausio was laid by many at the door of [[Quintus Servilius Caepio cos. 106\|Q. Caepio]], a leading member of the Metellan group whose ''lex iudiciaria'' had been so famously supported by Crassus. {{-104}} the ''lex Servilia iudiciaria'' was partly repealed by the ''tribunus plebis'' [[Gaius Servilius Glaucia\|C. Servilius]], and Caepio himself, who had already been recalled to Rome in disgrace, was removed from the senate and brought before a special court to explain what had happened to the booty he had won during the campaign.<ref>The date of Glaucia's tribunate is not certain: see Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), p.52; Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.166-167. As to the special court, the outcome is not clear but Caepio may have been fined: Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.162-163.</ref> At the same time another tribune, [[Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus cos. 96\|Cn. Ahenobarbus]], launched less successful attacks against [[Marcus Iunius Silanus cos. 109\|M. Silanus]], another of the unfortunate generals of the Gallic war, and against [[Marcus Aemilius Scaurus cos. 115\|M. Scaurus]], a personal enemy and a leading ally of the Metelli, as well as transferring the power to choose new ''pontifices'' from the ''collegium pontificum'' to the people. The following year, {{-103}}, two more ''tribuni plebis'' continued the assault. [[Lucius Appuleius Saturninus tr. pl. 103\|L. Saturninus]] proposed to exile [[Gnaeus Mallius Maximus\|Cn. Mallius]], Caepio's superior at Arausio, while [[Gaius Norbanus\|C. Norbanus]] prosecuted and convicted Caepio himself.<ref>Caepio went into exile. The fate of Mallius is unknown.</ref> Saturninus defied senatorial opposition and the veto of two of his colleagues to carry a ''lex agraria'', and his activities in the following years, in alliance with Glaucia and Marius, brought him into bitter opposition with the eminent and severe [[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Numidicus\|Q. Metellus Numidicus]], resulting in Metellus' departure into exile {{-100}}. At the end of that year matters came to a head: after riots and bloodshed Marius turned against his former allies and, backed by the senate, arrested and imprisoned Saturninus and Glaucia, who despite his precautions were killed by the mob.		The period from {{-106}} to {{-98}} was a tumultuous one in Roman politics, but apparently a quiet one for L. Crassus. It can be sketched briefly here.<ref>A survey is provided by Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), pp.50-59.</ref> {{-105}} [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]] returned victorious from the war against [[Iugurtha]]. Meanwhile Roman forces had suffered terrible defeat at Arausio in Gallia, and the people bypassed the senate to appoint Marius to lead the Gallic campaign. The campaign had suffered a number of setbacks under the command of noble senatorial generals, and the distaster of Arausio triggered a further backlash against the political elite in general and one member in particular. The blame for Arausio was laid by many at the door of [[Quintus Servilius Caepio cos. 106\|Q. Caepio]], a leading member of the Metellan group whose ''lex iudiciaria'' had been so famously supported by Crassus. {{-104}} the ''lex Servilia iudiciaria'' was partly repealed by the ''tribunus plebis'' [[Gaius Servilius Glaucia\|C. Servilius]], and Caepio himself, who had already been recalled to Rome in disgrace, was removed from the senate and brought before a special court to explain what had happened to the booty he had won during the campaign.<ref>The date of Glaucia's tribunate is not certain: see Scullard, H.H., '''From The Gracchi To Nero''' (Routledge, 1988), p.52; Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.166-167. As to the special court, the outcome is not clear but Caepio may have been fined: Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.162-163.</ref> At the same time another tribune, [[Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus cos. 96\|Cn. Ahenobarbus]], launched less successful attacks against [[Marcus Iunius Silanus cos. 109\|M. Silanus]], another of the unfortunate generals of the Gallic war, and against [[Marcus Aemilius Scaurus cos. 115\|M. Scaurus]], a personal enemy and a leading ally of the Metelli, as well as transferring the power to choose new ''pontifices'' from the ''collegium pontificum'' to the people. The following year, {{-103}}, two more ''tribuni plebis'' continued the assault. [[Lucius Appuleius Saturninus tr. pl. 103\|L. Saturninus]] proposed to exile [[Gnaeus Mallius Maximus\|Cn. Mallius]], Caepio's superior at Arausio, while [[Gaius Norbanus\|C. Norbanus]] prosecuted and convicted Caepio himself.<ref>Caepio went into exile. The fate of Mallius is unknown.</ref> Saturninus defied senatorial opposition and the veto of two of his colleagues to carry a ''lex agraria'', and his activities in the following years, in alliance with Glaucia and Marius, brought him into bitter opposition with the eminent and severe [[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Numidicus\|Q. Metellus Numidicus]], resulting in Metellus' departure into exile {{-100}}. At the end of that year matters came to a head: after riots and bloodshed Marius turned against his former allies and, backed by the senate, arrested and imprisoned Saturninus and Glaucia, who despite his precautions were killed by the mob.

−	Amidst all this, L. Crassus is ~~nowhere to be seen~~. A close ally of the embattled Caepio and a member of the group whose leaders included Metellus Numidicus and M. Scaurus, he may have felt it best to keep his head down. Some time between {{-105}} and {{-100}} he held the office of ''aedilis curulis'' with his old ally Q. Scaevola. Though the ''aedilitas'' was not a highly political post, it is nevertheless unlikely that both men would have been elected during the anti-senatorial backlash of {{-103}} to {{-100}}; on the other hand, it is hard to see Scaevola, a pillar of the establishment and a lawyer to boot, breaking the custom of leaving a year between offices (he was tribune {{-106}}), so {{-104}} seems most likely. Cicero, and probably his audience too, remembered their ''aedilitas'' as one of outstanding splendour.<ref>Cicero, '''''in Verrem''''', 4.59.133: "''L. Crasso, Q. Scaevolae, C. Claudio, potentissimis hominibus, quorum aedilitates ornatissimas vidimus''" ("L. Crassus, Q. Scaevola, and C. Claudius, men of great power, whose very elaborate ''aedilitates'' we have seen"); '''''de officiis''''', 2.16.57: "''L. Crassus cum omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magificentissima aedilitate functus est''" ("L. Crassus, together with that most restrained of men Q. Mucius, discharged the most magnificent ''aedilitas''"); '''''de oratore''''', 3.24.92: "''apparatu nobis opus est et rebus exquisitis undique et collectis, arcessitis, comportatis, ut tibi, Caesar, faciendum est ad annum, ut ego [Crassus] in aedilitate laboravi, quod quotidianis et vernaculis rebus satisfacere me posse huic populo non putabam''" ("We need magnificence and refined things, collected, discovered, and accumulated from all sources, as you shall have to do, Caesar, in a year, and as I [Crassus] tried to do as aedile, since I thought I would not be able to satisfy the people with everyday and household things").</ref> In particular we know that Crassus brought over four or six pillars of marble from Mount Hymettus near Athens, about twelve feet high, which he used as part of the stage-set of a temporary theatre: this was the first time imported marble had been used in Rome.<ref>Pliny, '''''historia naturalis''''', 17.1 (four pillars); 36.3 (six pillars).</ref> Scaevola imported not pillars but lions, becoming the first to show a lion-fight in Rome.<ref>Pliny, '''''historia naturalis''''', 8.20.</ref>	+	Amidst all this, L. Crassus is very little in evidence. A close ally of the embattled Caepio and a member of the group whose leaders included Metellus Numidicus and M. Scaurus, he may have felt it best to keep his head down. A comment of Cicero's shows that he and Scaevola supported the arrest of Saturninus and may even have joined other leading statesmen in taking up arms against him; but he seems to have taken no major role in those events.<ref>Cicero, '''''pro Rabirio perduellionis reo''''', 21. The passage appears to be a list of people who were actually part of the lynch-mob, but this serves the purpose of Cicero's speech and should not be relied upon too heavily.</ref>
		+
		+	Some time between {{-105}} and {{-100}} he held the office of ''aedilis curulis'' with his old ally Q. Scaevola. Though the ''aedilitas'' was not a highly political post, it is nevertheless unlikely that both men would have been elected during the anti-senatorial backlash of {{-103}} to {{-100}}; on the other hand, it is hard to see Scaevola, a pillar of the establishment and a lawyer to boot, breaking the custom of leaving a year between offices (he was tribune {{-106}}), so {{-104}} seems most likely. Cicero, and probably his audience too, remembered their ''aedilitas'' as one of outstanding splendour.<ref>Cicero, '''''in Verrem''''', 4.59.133: "''L. Crasso, Q. Scaevolae, C. Claudio, potentissimis hominibus, quorum aedilitates ornatissimas vidimus''" ("L. Crassus, Q. Scaevola, and C. Claudius, men of great power, whose very elaborate ''aedilitates'' we have seen"); '''''de officiis''''', 2.16.57: "''L. Crassus cum omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magificentissima aedilitate functus est''" ("L. Crassus, together with that most restrained of men Q. Mucius, discharged the most magnificent ''aedilitas''"); '''''de oratore''''', 3.24.92: "''apparatu nobis opus est et rebus exquisitis undique et collectis, arcessitis, comportatis, ut tibi, Caesar, faciendum est ad annum, ut ego [Crassus] in aedilitate laboravi, quod quotidianis et vernaculis rebus satisfacere me posse huic populo non putabam''" ("We need magnificence and refined things, collected, discovered, and accumulated from all sources, as you shall have to do, Caesar, in a year, and as I [Crassus] tried to do as aedile, since I thought I would not be able to satisfy the people with everyday and household things").</ref> In particular we know that Crassus brought over four or six pillars of marble from Mount Hymettus near Athens, about twelve feet high, which he used as part of the stage-set of a temporary theatre: this was the first time imported marble had been used in Rome.<ref>Pliny, '''''historia naturalis''''', 17.1 (four pillars); 36.3 (six pillars).</ref> Scaevola imported not pillars but lions, becoming the first to show a lion-fight in Rome.<ref>Pliny, '''''historia naturalis''''', 8.20.</ref>

	===Candidate for ''praetor''===		===Candidate for ''praetor''===

−	Crassus' next office, again held with Scaevola, was the ''praetura''. The date is again uncertain. If ''aedilis curulis'' {{-104}}, he would have been eligible to be ''praetor'' {{-102}}. With his reputation as an orator, and with his popularity enhanced by such splendid games and displays, he should in ordinary times have been a shoo-in for the ''praetura''; in that period of hostility toward the nobility in general and the Metellan group in particular, however, it may be that his success, and perhaps even his candidacy, was delayed.<ref>We know of one other member of the Metellan group, about the same age as Crassus, who tried to run for ''praetor'' {{-101}} or {{-100}} and failed: [[Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix cos. 88\|L. Sulla]].</ref> It is certain, at any rate, that at some point in his career he suffered several electoral setbacks, for he reached the consulate five or six years late. At least one of those years of delay was probably voluntary, to allow Scaevola to catch up with him, but the rest can only indicate a period when his popularity was low, and such a period is more likely to be found in the unfriendly times of Saturninus and Glaucia than before his ''aedilitas'' or after his ''praetura''.	+	Crassus' next office, again held with Scaevola, was the ''praetura''. The date is again uncertain. If ''aedilis curulis'' {{-104}}, he would have been eligible to be ''praetor'' {{-102}}. With his reputation as an orator, and with his popularity enhanced by such splendid games and displays, he should in ordinary times have been a shoo-in for the ''praetura''; in that period of hostility toward the nobility in general and the Metellan group in particular, however, it may be that his success, and perhaps even his candidacy, was delayed.<ref>We know of one other member of the Metellan group, about the same age as Crassus, who tried to run for ''praetor'' {{-101}} or {{-100}} and failed: [[Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix cos. 88\|L. Sulla]].</ref> Moreover, Cicero seems to indicate that he was not yet ''praetor'' when Saturninus was killed {{-100}}.<ref>Cicero, '''''pro Rabirio perduellionis reo''''', 21: "''cum omnes praetores, cuncta nobilitas ac iuventus accurreret, Cn. et L. Domitii, L. Crassus, Q. Mucius, C. Claudius, M. Drusus''" ("when all the ''praetores'', the whole nobility and youth hastened forth, Cn. and L. Domitius, L. Crassus, Q. Mucius, C. Claudius, M. Drusus"). He has already mentioned the men of consular rank and goes on to mention still younger men, so evidently this is a list in order of seniority. None of the men with whom Crassus is mentioned are likely to have been ''praetor'' by {{-100}}, and this is presumably why they are mentioned after the ''praetores''. C. Claudius must be [[Gaius Claudius Pulcher cos. 92\|C. Pulcher]] who was ''praetor'' {{-95}}, and [[Marcus Livius Drusus tr. pl. 91\|M. Drusus]] was only a former ''quaestor'' at the time.</ref> It is certain, at any rate, that at some point in his career he suffered several electoral setbacks, for he reached the consulate five or six years late. At least one of those years of delay was probably voluntary, to allow Scaevola to catch up with him, but the rest can only indicate a period when his popularity was low, and such a period is more likely to be found in the unfriendly times of Saturninus and Glaucia than before his ''aedilitas'' or after his ''praetura''.

	If he was ''praetor'' {{-99}} or {{-98}}, that would fit very well with the character of those years.<ref>A survey in Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.188-190. The date {{-98}} is suggested by Broughton, T.R.S., '''The Magistrates Of The Roman Republic''' (American Philological Association, 1951), 2.4-5.</ref> Saturninus' legislation (or at least some of it) was delcared invalid, and his remaining sympathizers were steadily pushed aside by the senatorial aristocracy. One, a certain [[Publius Furius\|P. Furius]] who had deserted Saturninus at the last moment but had nonetheless continued to block the recall of Metellus from exile, was prosecuted by another, a relative of Saturninus, [[Gaius Appuleius Decianus\|C. Appuleius]]. The trial degenerated into a riot in which Furius was lynched. A third populist, [[Sextus Titius tr. pl. 99\|Sex. Titius]], tried to propose a ''lex agraria'' but was defeated by the oratory of [[Marcus Antonius cos. 99\|M. Antonius]], ''consul'' in that year. In the consular elections the victors were a Metellus ([[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Nepos cos. 98\|Q. Metellus Nepos]]) and a man who had tried to veto the prosecution of Q. Caepio ([[Titus Didius\|T. Didius]]); it is easy to imagine Crassus and Scaevola being elected ''praetores'' as part of this same Metellan resurgence.		If he was ''praetor'' {{-99}} or {{-98}}, that would fit very well with the character of those years.<ref>A survey in Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.188-190. The date {{-98}} is suggested by Broughton, T.R.S., '''The Magistrates Of The Roman Republic''' (American Philological Association, 1951), 2.4-5.</ref> Saturninus' legislation (or at least some of it) was delcared invalid, and his remaining sympathizers were steadily pushed aside by the senatorial aristocracy. One, a certain [[Publius Furius\|P. Furius]] who had deserted Saturninus at the last moment but had nonetheless continued to block the recall of Metellus from exile, was prosecuted by another, a relative of Saturninus, [[Gaius Appuleius Decianus\|C. Appuleius]]. The trial degenerated into a riot in which Furius was lynched. A third populist, [[Sextus Titius tr. pl. 99\|Sex. Titius]], tried to propose a ''lex agraria'' but was defeated by the oratory of [[Marcus Antonius cos. 99\|M. Antonius]], ''consul'' in that year. In the consular elections the victors were a Metellus ([[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Nepos cos. 98\|Q. Metellus Nepos]]) and a man who had tried to veto the prosecution of Q. Caepio ([[Titus Didius\|T. Didius]]); it is easy to imagine Crassus and Scaevola being elected ''praetores'' as part of this same Metellan resurgence.
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	Crassus was, then, ''praetor'' perhaps {{-99}} or {{-98}}, or at any rate no later than the latter year, with Q. Scaevola his colleague. His official activities as ''praetor'' are not recorded: it was a quiet year both at home and abroad, and it is difficult to say whether he was sent out to govern a province or kept in Rome to carry out judicial functions.<ref>His skills and experience would, of course, have suited him well for a judicial duty, but such duties were, at least in theory, awarded by lot and not by merit.</ref>		Crassus was, then, ''praetor'' perhaps {{-99}} or {{-98}}, or at any rate no later than the latter year, with Q. Scaevola his colleague. His official activities as ''praetor'' are not recorded: it was a quiet year both at home and abroad, and it is difficult to say whether he was sent out to govern a province or kept in Rome to carry out judicial functions.<ref>His skills and experience would, of course, have suited him well for a judicial duty, but such duties were, at least in theory, awarded by lot and not by merit.</ref>

−	It ~~was probably~~ about this time that Crassus betrothed his daughter Licinia to the young son of [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]].<ref>On the date, Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90's B.C.''' (Historia, 1966, pp.32-64), p.43.</ref> The marriage itself was contracted within the next five or six years.<ref>Certainly before September {{-91}}: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.66; 3.8. Apparently before the trial of T. Matrinius around {{-94}}: Cicero, '''''pro Balbo''''', 49. Probably soon after the younger Marius came of age, which must have been about {{-93}} since he was born {{-109}}.</ref> It seems that Marius was at this time patching up relations with at least the more open-minded members of the Metellan group: {{-97}} he collaborated with Crassus' friend [[Marcus Antonius cos. 99\|M. Antonius]], and he may also have cooperated in a business venture with [[Marcus Aemilius Scaurus cos. 115\|M. Scaurus]].<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.192-193.</ref> This reconciliation may have brought some little advantage to Crassus and his associates in the form of the general's lingering prestige and popularity, but Marius himself was politically impotent at this time, and the political reward must have been at least cancelled, if not outweighed, by the strain it must have put upon Crassus' friendship with Marius' firm enemies like [[Publius Rutilius Rufus\|P. Rutilius]] and [[Quintus Lutatius Catulus cos. 102\|Q. Catulus]].<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.195.</ref> By bringing Marius back in from the cold Crassus and his like-minded friends showed both personal generosity and a political desire to reach out to the ''equites'' and the people, many of whom still regarded Marius with respect and affection.	+	It may have been about this time that Crassus betrothed his daughter Licinia to the young son of [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]].<ref>On the date, Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90's B.C.''' (Historia, 1966, pp.32-64), p.43. But Badian, E., '''Caepio And Norbanus''' (Historia, 1957, pp.318-346), p.329, argues that it cannot have been until after {{-95}}.</ref> The marriage itself was contracted within the next five or six years.<ref>Certainly before September {{-91}}: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.66; 3.8. Apparently before the trial of T. Matrinius around {{-94}}: Cicero, '''''pro Balbo''''', 49. Probably soon after the younger Marius came of age, which must have been about {{-93}} since he was born {{-109}}.</ref> It seems that Marius was at this time patching up relations with at least the more open-minded members of the Metellan group: {{-97}} he collaborated with Crassus' friend [[Marcus Antonius cos. 99\|M. Antonius]], and he may also have cooperated in a business venture with [[Marcus Aemilius Scaurus cos. 115\|M. Scaurus]].<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.192-193.</ref> This reconciliation may have brought some little advantage to Crassus and his associates in the form of the general's lingering prestige and popularity, but Marius himself was politically impotent at this time, and the political reward must have been at least cancelled, if not outweighed, by the strain it must have put upon Crassus' friendship with Marius' firm enemies like [[Publius Rutilius Rufus\|P. Rutilius]] and [[Quintus Lutatius Catulus cos. 102\|Q. Catulus]].<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.195.</ref> By bringing Marius back in from the cold, Crassus and his like-minded friends showed both personal generosity and a political desire to reach out to the ''equites'' and the people, many of whom still regarded Marius with respect and affection.

	===''Consul''===		===''Consul''===

		+	{{-96}} Crassus was a candidate for the consulate. Like most (if not all) candidates for high office, he had to go about asking for votes in what was, for a highly successful politician of noble birth, an embarrassingly undignified business: so much so that he could not bear to let his very eminent and rather severe father-in-law [[Quintus Mucius Scaevola Augur\|Q. Scaevola]] see him do it, and had to ask the latter to leave the forum so that Crassus could continue his canvass.<ref>Valerius Maximus, 4.5.4.</ref>
		+
		+	He was duly elected along with his friend, the other [[Quintus Mucius Scaevola Pontifex\|Q. Scaevola]]. Together they enacted the ''[[lex Licinia Mucia de civibus redigundis]]''. This statute was aimed at people, particularly Italians, who were passing themselves off as Roman citizens. Some had been legitimately given citizenship by Roman generals like Marius acting with statutory authority, but others were no doubt spurious. Crassus and Scaevola returned such people to their original status, and gave the standing treason court powers to hear accusations against alleged false citizens.<ref>For detailed discussion of the provisions see [[lex Licinia Mucia de civibus redigundis\|the article on the ''lex'']].</ref> The legislation was later criticized as contributing to the outbreak of the [[Italian war]].<ref>Asconius on Cicero, '''''pro Cornelio''''': "''Verum ea lege ita alienati animi sunt principum Italicorum populorum ut ea vel maxima causa belli Italici quod post triennium exortum est fuerit''" ("Indeed the leaders of the Italian peoples were so alienated by that statute that it was even the greatest cause of the Italian war which broke out three years later").</ref> At the time it was perhaps not meant, however, as an anti-Italian measure, for it did not seek to cancel legitimate grants of citizenship, merely to stop those who were trying to acquire it illegally.
		+
		+	As ''consul'' Crassus was also called upon to defend the young [[Quintus Servilius Caepio qu. 100\|Q. Caepio]], son of his old ally.<ref>Cicero, '''''Brutus''''', 44.162.</ref> The charge was of ''maiestas'', and was based upon events of that tumultuous year {{-100}} when Caepio forcibly broke up the meeting at which [[Lucius Appuleius Saturninus tr. pl. 103\|Saturninus]] tried to pass his ''lex agraria''. Though Crassus' speech was brief (and perhaps unenthusiastic, given Caepio's disruptive behaviour and hostility to Crassus' allies M. Scaurus and M. Drusus), Caepio was acquitted.<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.195-196. Though the outcome of the trial is not explicitly recorded, Caepio was still around and making trouble again a few years later.</ref>

		+	Crassus' consular province was in Gaul, perhaps [[Gallia Cisalpina]].

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: Years around 98.

2007-10-02T18:26:44Z

Years around 98.

← Older revision		Revision as of 18:26, 2 October 2007
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	Crassus' next office, again held with Scaevola, was the ''praetura''. The date is again uncertain. If ''aedilis curulis'' {{-104}}, he would have been eligible to be ''praetor'' {{-102}}. With his reputation as an orator, and with his popularity enhanced by such splendid games and displays, he should in ordinary times have been a shoo-in for the ''praetura''; in that period of hostility toward the nobility in general and the Metellan group in particular, however, it may be that his success, and perhaps even his candidacy, was delayed.<ref>We know of one other member of the Metellan group, about the same age as Crassus, who tried to run for ''praetor'' {{-101}} or {{-100}} and failed: [[Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix cos. 88\|L. Sulla]].</ref> It is certain, at any rate, that at some point in his career he suffered several electoral setbacks, for he reached the consulate five or six years late. At least one of those years of delay was probably voluntary, to allow Scaevola to catch up with him, but the rest can only indicate a period when his popularity was low, and such a period is more likely to be found in the unfriendly times of Saturninus and Glaucia than before his ''aedilitas'' or after his ''praetura''.		Crassus' next office, again held with Scaevola, was the ''praetura''. The date is again uncertain. If ''aedilis curulis'' {{-104}}, he would have been eligible to be ''praetor'' {{-102}}. With his reputation as an orator, and with his popularity enhanced by such splendid games and displays, he should in ordinary times have been a shoo-in for the ''praetura''; in that period of hostility toward the nobility in general and the Metellan group in particular, however, it may be that his success, and perhaps even his candidacy, was delayed.<ref>We know of one other member of the Metellan group, about the same age as Crassus, who tried to run for ''praetor'' {{-101}} or {{-100}} and failed: [[Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix cos. 88\|L. Sulla]].</ref> It is certain, at any rate, that at some point in his career he suffered several electoral setbacks, for he reached the consulate five or six years late. At least one of those years of delay was probably voluntary, to allow Scaevola to catch up with him, but the rest can only indicate a period when his popularity was low, and such a period is more likely to be found in the unfriendly times of Saturninus and Glaucia than before his ''aedilitas'' or after his ''praetura''.

−	If he was ''praetor'' {{-99}} or {{-98}}, that would fit very well with the character of those years.<ref>A survey in Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.188-190.</ref> Saturninus' legislation (or at least some of it) was delcared invalid, and his remaining sympathizers were steadily pushed aside by the senatorial aristocracy. One, a certain [[Publius Furius\|P. Furius]] who had deserted Saturninus at the last moment but had nonetheless continued to block the recall of Metellus from exile, was prosecuted by another, a relative of Saturninus, [[Gaius Appuleius Decianus\|C. Appuleius]]. The trial degenerated into a riot in which Furius was lynched. A third populist, [[Sextus Titius tr. pl. 99\|Sex. Titius]], tried to propose a ''lex agraria'' but was defeated by the oratory of [[Marcus Antonius cos. 99\|M. Antonius]], ''consul'' in that year. In the consular elections the victors were a Metellus ([[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Nepos cos. 98\|Q. Metellus Nepos]]) and a man who had tried to veto the prosecution of Q. Caepio ([[Titus Didius\|T. Didius]]); it is easy to imagine Crassus and Scaevola being elected ''praetores'' as part of this same Metellan resurgence.	+	If he was ''praetor'' {{-99}} or {{-98}}, that would fit very well with the character of those years.<ref>A survey in Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.188-190. The date {{-98}} is suggested by Broughton, T.R.S., '''The Magistrates Of The Roman Republic''' (American Philological Association, 1951), 2.4-5.</ref> Saturninus' legislation (or at least some of it) was delcared invalid, and his remaining sympathizers were steadily pushed aside by the senatorial aristocracy. One, a certain [[Publius Furius\|P. Furius]] who had deserted Saturninus at the last moment but had nonetheless continued to block the recall of Metellus from exile, was prosecuted by another, a relative of Saturninus, [[Gaius Appuleius Decianus\|C. Appuleius]]. The trial degenerated into a riot in which Furius was lynched. A third populist, [[Sextus Titius tr. pl. 99\|Sex. Titius]], tried to propose a ''lex agraria'' but was defeated by the oratory of [[Marcus Antonius cos. 99\|M. Antonius]], ''consul'' in that year. In the consular elections the victors were a Metellus ([[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Nepos cos. 98\|Q. Metellus Nepos]]) and a man who had tried to veto the prosecution of Q. Caepio ([[Titus Didius\|T. Didius]]); it is easy to imagine Crassus and Scaevola being elected ''praetores'' as part of this same Metellan resurgence.


	==The higher magistracies==		==The higher magistracies==
		+
		+	===''Praetor''===
		+
		+	Crassus was, then, ''praetor'' perhaps {{-99}} or {{-98}}, or at any rate no later than the latter year, with Q. Scaevola his colleague. His official activities as ''praetor'' are not recorded: it was a quiet year both at home and abroad, and it is difficult to say whether he was sent out to govern a province or kept in Rome to carry out judicial functions.<ref>His skills and experience would, of course, have suited him well for a judicial duty, but such duties were, at least in theory, awarded by lot and not by merit.</ref>
		+
		+	It was probably about this time that Crassus betrothed his daughter Licinia to the young son of [[Gaius Marius cos. 107\|C. Marius]].<ref>On the date, Gruen, E.S., '''Political Prosecutions In The 90's B.C.''' (Historia, 1966, pp.32-64), p.43.</ref> The marriage itself was contracted within the next five or six years.<ref>Certainly before September {{-91}}: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 1.66; 3.8. Apparently before the trial of T. Matrinius around {{-94}}: Cicero, '''''pro Balbo''''', 49. Probably soon after the younger Marius came of age, which must have been about {{-93}} since he was born {{-109}}.</ref> It seems that Marius was at this time patching up relations with at least the more open-minded members of the Metellan group: {{-97}} he collaborated with Crassus' friend [[Marcus Antonius cos. 99\|M. Antonius]], and he may also have cooperated in a business venture with [[Marcus Aemilius Scaurus cos. 115\|M. Scaurus]].<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.192-193.</ref> This reconciliation may have brought some little advantage to Crassus and his associates in the form of the general's lingering prestige and popularity, but Marius himself was politically impotent at this time, and the political reward must have been at least cancelled, if not outweighed, by the strain it must have put upon Crassus' friendship with Marius' firm enemies like [[Publius Rutilius Rufus\|P. Rutilius]] and [[Quintus Lutatius Catulus cos. 102\|Q. Catulus]].<ref>Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.195.</ref> By bringing Marius back in from the cold Crassus and his like-minded friends showed both personal generosity and a political desire to reach out to the ''equites'' and the people, many of whom still regarded Marius with respect and affection.
		+
		+	===''Consul''===



−	~~==Later life==~~

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: Covered years 106 to 98.

2007-09-28T16:04:28Z

Covered years 106 to 98.

Show changes

Aulus Apollonius Cordus: Removed some categories, finished incomplete sentence.

2007-09-27T15:06:29Z

Removed some categories, finished incomplete sentence.

← Older revision		Revision as of 15:06, 27 September 2007
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	===The changing political landscape===		===The changing political landscape===

−	If his speech on the ''lex Servilia'' signified Crassus' new maturity as an orator, it must also make us stop and wonder whether . The contrast is striking between this speech, in which he praised the senate and disparaged the ''equites'', and the speech twelve years earlier in which he disparaged the senate and championed a popular cause in the interests of the business class and the rural poor. It is therefore necessary to look at the changes in the political climate in the intervening decade, and to consider what may have happened to Crassus himself in those years.	+	If his speech on the ''lex Servilia'' signified Crassus' new maturity as an orator, it must also make us stop and wonder whether it marked a new political outlook. The contrast is striking between this speech, in which he praised the senate and disparaged the ''equites'', and the speech twelve years earlier in which he disparaged the senate and championed a popular cause in the interests of the business class and the rural poor. It is therefore necessary to look at the changes in the political climate in the intervening decade, and to consider what may have happened to Crassus himself in those years.

	The trial of the Vestals {{-114}} was, it seems, the beginning of period under which the Metellan group came under severe pressure from its senatorial opponents. The trial itself was, on the whole, a failure for the Metellans. It seems to have done Crassus' reputation no harm, but nor did he win his case; more seriously, the ''pontifex maximus'' who had acquitted Licinia and Marcia in the first hearing was [[Lucius Caecilius Metellus Delmaticus\|L. Metellus Delmaticus]], and the overturning of his verdict in the second trial must have made him look at best incompetent and at worst corrupt.<ref>Asconius on '''''pro Milone''''', 32.</ref> Then, probably {{-111}}, came the prosecution of the bright young [[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Numidicus\|Q. Metellus]] for extortion.<ref>On the date see Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.132-133.</ref> But on this occasion the anti-Metellans failed dramatically: the jury was so certain of Metellus' honesty and integrity that it did not even trouble itself by considering the evidence before acquitting him.<ref>Cicero, '''''ad Atticum''''', 1.16.4; Valerius Maximus, 2.10.1.</ref> Also around this time probably fell the trial of [[Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus cos. 112\|L. Piso]], who was linked to the Metelli through his friend and ally [[Marcus Aemilius Scaurus\|M. Aemilius Scaurus]], a star of the Metellan group at this time.<ref>On the date see Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.133-134. Piso's friendship with Scaurus is demonstrated by the fact that the latter appeared as a witness on his behalf at the trial: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.265. For Scaurus' links to the Metelli, Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.118-123.</ref> Scaurus himself had struggled (ultimately successfully) against senatorial opposition between {{-117}} and {{-115}}.<ref>He was defeated as a candidate for the consulate; the following year he narrowly succeeded, but was promptly prosecuted for bribery. He was acquitted. See generally Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.119-123.</ref> Crassus was Piso's advocate at the trial and appears to have secured his acquittal.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.285 records an effective piece of cross-examination by Crassus of one of the witnesses for the prosecution. The reasons for assuming an acquittal are mentioned by Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.134 note 163.</ref>		The trial of the Vestals {{-114}} was, it seems, the beginning of period under which the Metellan group came under severe pressure from its senatorial opponents. The trial itself was, on the whole, a failure for the Metellans. It seems to have done Crassus' reputation no harm, but nor did he win his case; more seriously, the ''pontifex maximus'' who had acquitted Licinia and Marcia in the first hearing was [[Lucius Caecilius Metellus Delmaticus\|L. Metellus Delmaticus]], and the overturning of his verdict in the second trial must have made him look at best incompetent and at worst corrupt.<ref>Asconius on '''''pro Milone''''', 32.</ref> Then, probably {{-111}}, came the prosecution of the bright young [[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Numidicus\|Q. Metellus]] for extortion.<ref>On the date see Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.132-133.</ref> But on this occasion the anti-Metellans failed dramatically: the jury was so certain of Metellus' honesty and integrity that it did not even trouble itself by considering the evidence before acquitting him.<ref>Cicero, '''''ad Atticum''''', 1.16.4; Valerius Maximus, 2.10.1.</ref> Also around this time probably fell the trial of [[Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus cos. 112\|L. Piso]], who was linked to the Metelli through his friend and ally [[Marcus Aemilius Scaurus\|M. Aemilius Scaurus]], a star of the Metellan group at this time.<ref>On the date see Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.133-134. Piso's friendship with Scaurus is demonstrated by the fact that the latter appeared as a witness on his behalf at the trial: Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.265. For Scaurus' links to the Metelli, Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.118-123.</ref> Scaurus himself had struggled (ultimately successfully) against senatorial opposition between {{-117}} and {{-115}}.<ref>He was defeated as a candidate for the consulate; the following year he narrowly succeeded, but was promptly prosecuted for bribery. He was acquitted. See generally Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), pp.119-123.</ref> Crassus was Piso's advocate at the trial and appears to have secured his acquittal.<ref>Cicero, '''''de oratore''''', 2.285 records an effective piece of cross-examination by Crassus of one of the witnesses for the prosecution. The reasons for assuming an acquittal are mentioned by Gruen, E.S., '''Roman Politics And The Criminal Courts, 149-78 B.C.''' (Harvard University Press, 1968), p.134 note 163.</ref>
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	[[Category: Magistrates]]		[[Category: Magistrates]]
	[[Category: Consulars]]		[[Category: Consulars]]
−	~~[[Category: Pontifices]]~~
	[[Category: Augures]]		[[Category: Augures]]
−	~~[[Category: Flamines]]~~
	[[Category: Gens Licinia\|Crassus]]		[[Category: Gens Licinia\|Crassus]]