M. Lucretius Agricola: incorporate p.d. text of Dreyden's Plutach: CIcero

2006-05-11T03:07:49Z

incorporate p.d. text of Dreyden's Plutach: CIcero

New page

==Plutarch's Life of Cicero==

Translated by John Dreyden

It is generally said, that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was
both well born and lived a fair life; but of his father nothing
is reported but in extremes. For whilst some would have him the
son of a fuller, and educated in that trade, others carry back
the origin of his family to Tullus Attius, an illustrious king
of the Volscians, who waged war not without honor against the
Romans. However, he who first of that house was surnamed Cicero
seems to have been a person worthy to be remembered; since those
who succeeded him not only did not reject, but were fond of that
name, though vulgarly made a matter of reproach. For the Latins
call a vetch Cicer, and a nick or dent at the tip of his nose,
which resembled the opening in a vetch, gave him the surname of
Cicero.

Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with
spirit to some of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside
or change the name when he first stood for office and engaged in
politics, that he would make it his endeavor to render the name
of Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauri and Catuli. And
when he was quaestor in Sicily, and was making an offering of
silver plate to the gods, and had inscribed his two names,
Marcus and Tullius, instead of the third he jestingly told the
artificer to engrave the figure of a vetch by them. Thus much
is told us about his name.

Of his birth it is reported, that his mother was delivered
without pain or labor, on the third of the new Calends, the
same day on which now the magistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice
for the emperor. It is said, also, that a vision appeared to
his nurse, and foretold the child she then suckled should
afterwards become a great benefit to the Roman States. To such
presages, which might in general be thought mere fancies and
idle talk, he himself erelong gave the credit of true
prophecies. For as soon as he was of an age to begin to have
lessons, he became so distinguished for his talent, and got such
a name and reputation amongst the boys, that their fathers would
often visit the school, that they might see young Cicero, and
might be able to say that they themselves had witnessed the
quickness and readiness in learning for which he was renowned.
And the more rude among them used to be angry with their
children, to see them, as they walked together, receiving Cicero
with respect into the middle place. And being, as Plato would
have, the scholar-like and philosophical temper, eager for every
kind of learning, and indisposed to no description of knowledge
or instruction, he showed, however, a more peculiar propensity
to poetry; and there is a poem now extant, made by him when a
boy, in tetrameter verse, called Pontius Glaucus. And
afterwards, when he applied himself more curiously to these
accomplishments, he had the name of being not only the best
orator, but also the best poet of Rome. And the glory of his
rhetoric still remains, notwithstanding the many new modes in
speaking since his time; but his verses are forgotten and out of
all repute, so many ingenious poets having followed him.

Leaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the
Academic, whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of
Clitomachus, admired for his eloquence and loved for his
character. He also sought the company of the Mucii, who were
eminent statesmen and leaders in the senate, and acquired from
them a knowledge of the laws. For some short time he served in
arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But perceiving the
commonwealth running into factions, and from faction all things
tending to an absolute monarchy, he betook himself to a retired
and contemplative life, and conversing with the learned Greeks,
devoted himself to study, till Sylla had obtained the
government, and the commonwealth was in some kind of settlement.

At this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having
laid an information about an estate belonging to one who was
said to have been put to death by proscription, had bought it
himself for two thousand drachmas. And when Roscius, the son
and heir of the dead, complained, and demonstrated the estate to
be worth two hundred and fifty talents, Sylla took it angrily to
have his actions questioned, and preferred a process against
Roscius for the murder of his father, Chrysogonus managing the
evidence. None of the advocates durst assist him, but fearing
the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the cause. The young man, being
thus deserted, came for refuge to Cicero. Cicero's friends
encouraged him, saying he was not likely ever to have a fairer
and more honorable introduction to public life; he therefore
undertook the defense, carried the cause, and got much renown
for it.

But fearing Sylla, he traveled into Greece, and gave it out that
he did so for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean
and meager, and had such a weakness in his stomach, that he
could take nothing but a spare and thin diet, and that not till
late in the evening. His voice was loud and good, but so harsh
and unmanaged that in vehemence and heat of speaking he always
raised it to so high a tone, that there seemed to be reason to
fear about his health.

When he came to Athens, he was a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon,
with whose fluency and elegance of diction he was much taken,
although he did not approve of his innovations in doctrine. For
Antiochus had now fallen off from the New Academy, as they call
it, and forsaken the sect of Carneades, whether that he was
moved by the argument of manifestness and the senses, or, as
some say, had been led by feelings of rivalry and opposition to
the followers of Clitomachus and Philo to change his opinions,
and in most things to embrace the doctrine of the Stoics. But
Cicero rather affected and adhered to the doctrines of the New
Academy; and purposed with himself, if he should be disappointed
of any employment in the commonwealth, to retire hither from
pleading and political affairs, and to pass his life with quiet
in the study of philosophy.

But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his
body, strengthened again by exercise, was come to a vigorous
habit, his voice managed and rendered sweet and full to the ear
and pretty well brought into keeping with his general
constitution, his friends at Rome earnestly soliciting him by
letters, and Antiochus also urging him to return to public
affairs, he again prepared for use his orator's instrument of
rhetoric, and summoned into action his political faculties,
diligently exercising himself in declamations, and attending the
most celebrated rhetoricians of the time. He sailed from Athens
for Asia and Rhodes. Amongst the Asian masters, he conversed
with Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and
Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes, he studied oratory with
Apollonius, the son of Molon, and philosophy with Posidonius.
Apollonius, we are told, not understanding Latin, requested
Cicero to declaim in Greek. He complied willingly, thinking
that his faults would thus be better pointed out to him. And
after he finished, all his other hearers were astonished, and
contended who should praise him most, but Apollonius, who had
shown no signs of excitement whilst he was hearing him, so also
now, when it was over, sat musing for some considerable time,
without any remark. And when Cicero was discomposed at this, he
said, "You have my praise and admiration, Cicero, and Greece my
pity and commiseration, since those arts and that eloquence
which are the only glories that remain to her, will now be
transferred by you to Rome."

And now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon
political affairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his
inclination; for consulting the god of Delphi how he should
attain most glory, the Pythoness answered, by making his own
genius and not the opinion of the people the guide of his life;
and therefore at first he passed his time in Rome cautiously,
and was very backward in pretending to public offices, so that
he was at that time in little esteem, and had got the names, so
readily given by low and ignorant people in Rome, of Greek and
Scholar. But when his own desire of fame and the eagerness of
his father and relations had made him take in earnest to
pleading, he made no slow or gentle advance to the first place,
but shone out in full luster at once, and far surpassed all the
advocates of the bar. At first, it is said, he, as well as
Demosthenes, was defective in his delivery, and on that account
paid much attention to the instructions, sometimes of Roscius
the comedian, and sometimes of Aesop the tragedian. They tell
of this Aesop, that whilst he was representing on the theater
Atreus deliberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so
transported beyond himself in the heat of action, that he struck
with his scepter one of the servants, who was running across the
stage, so violently, that he laid him dead upon the place. And
such afterwards was Cicero's delivery, that it did not a little
contribute to render his eloquence persuasive. He used to
ridicule loud speakers, saying that they shouted because they
could not speak, like lame men who get on horseback because they
cannot walk. And his readiness and address in sarcasm, and
generally in witty sayings, was thought to suit a pleader very
well, and to be highly attractive, but his using it to excess
offended many, and gave him the repute of ill nature.

He was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn, and had
Sicily for his province, where, though at first he displeased
many, by compelling them to send in their provisions to Rome,
yet after they had had experience of his care, justice, and
clemency, they honored him more than ever they did any of their
governors before. It happened, also, that some young Romans of
good and noble families, charged with neglect of discipline and
misconduct in military service, were brought before the praetor
in Sicily. Cicero undertook their defense, which he conducted
admirably, and got them acquitted. So returning to Rome with a
great opinion of himself for these things, a ludicrous incident
befell him, as he tells us himself. Meeting an eminent citizen
in Campania, whom he accounted his friend, he asked him what the
Romans said and thought of his actions, as if the whole city had
been filled with the glory of what he had done. His friend
asked him in reply, "Where is it you have been, Cicero?" This
for the time utterly mortified and cast him down, to perceive
that the report of his actions had sunk into the city of Rome as
into an immense ocean, without any visible effect or result in
reputation. And afterwards considering with himself that the
glory he contended for was an infinite thing, and that there was
no fixed end nor measure in its pursuit, he abated much of his
ambitious thoughts. Nevertheless, he was always excessively
pleased with his own praise, and continued to the very last to
be passionately fond of glory; which often interfered with the
prosecution of his wisest resolutions.

On beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public
business, he remarked it as an unreasonable and absurd thing
that artificers, using vessels and instruments inanimate, should
know the name, place, and use of every one of them, and yet the
statesman, whose instruments for carrying out public measures
are men, should be negligent and careless in the knowledge of
persons. And so he not only acquainted himself with the names,
but also knew the particular place where every one of the more
eminent citizens dwelt, what lands he possessed, the friends he
made use of, and those that were of his neighborhood, and when
he traveled on any road in Italy, he could readily name and show
the estates and seats of his friends and acquaintance. Having
so small an estate, though a sufficient competency for his own
expenses, it was much wondered at that he took neither fees nor
gifts from his clients, and more especially, that he did not do
so when he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This Verres,
who had been praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the
Sicilians of many evil practices during his government there,
Cicero succeeded in getting condemned, not by speaking, but in a
manner by holding his tongue. For the praetors, favoring
Verres, had deferred the trial by several adjournments to the
last day, in which it was evident there could not be sufficient
time for the advocates to be heard, and the cause brought to an
issue. Cicero, therefore, came forward, and said there was no
need of speeches; and after producing and examining witnesses,
he required the judges to proceed to sentence. However, many
witty sayings are on record, as having been used by Cicero on
the occasion. When a man named Caecilius, one of the freed
slaves, who was said to be given to Jewish practices, would have
put by the Sicilians, and undertaken the prosecution of Verres
himself, Cicero asked, "What has a Jew to do with swine?"
verres being the Roman word for a boar. And when Verres began
to reproach Cicero with effeminate living, "You ought," replied
he, "to use this language at home, to your sons;" Verres having
a son who had fallen into disgraceful courses. Hortensius the
orator, not daring directly to undertake the defense of Verres,
was yet persuaded to appear for him at the laying on of the
fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his reward; and when
Cicero, in some passage of his speech, obliquely reflected on
him, and Hortensius told him he was not skillful in solving
riddles, "No," said Cicero, "and yet you have the Sphinx in your
house!"

Verres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at
seventy-five myriads, lay under the suspicion of being
corrupted by bribery to lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in
testimony of their gratitude, came and brought him all sorts of
presents from the island, when he was aedile; of which he made
no private profit himself, but used their generosity only to
reduce the public price of provisions.

He had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near
Naples, and another about Pompeii, but neither of any great
value. The portion of his wife, Terentia, amounted to ten
myriads, and he had a bequest valued at nine myriads of denarii;
upon these he lived in a liberal but temperate style, with the
learned Greeks and Romans that were his familiars. He rarely,
if at any time, sat down to meat till sunset, and that not so
much on account of business, as for his health and the weakness
of his stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his body nice
and delicate, appointing himself, for example, a set number of
walks and rubbings. And after this manner managing the habit
of his body, he brought it in time to be healthful, and capable
of supporting many great fatigues and trials. His father's
house he made over to his brother, living himself near the
Palatine hill, that he might not give the trouble of long
journeys to those that made suit to him. And, indeed, there
were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to do their court to
him, than there were that came to Crassus for his riches, or to
Pompey for his power amongst the soldiers, these being at that
time the two men of the greatest repute and influence in Rome.
Nay, even Pompey himself used to pay court to Cicero, and
Cicero's public actions did much to establish Pompey's authority
and reputation in the state.

Numerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the
praetor's office; but he was chosen before them all, and managed
the decision of causes with justice and integrity. It is
related that Licinius Macer, a man himself of great power in the
city, and supported also by the assistance of Crassus, was
accused before him of extortion, and that, in confidence on his
own interest and the diligence of his friends, whilst the judges
were debating about the sentence, he went to his house, where
hastily trimming his hair and putting on a clean gown, as
already acquitted, he was setting off again to go to the Forum;
but at his hall door meeting Crassus, who told him that he was
condemned by all the votes, he went in again, threw himself upon
his bed, and died immediately. This verdict was considered very
creditable to Cicero, as showing his careful management of the
courts of justice. On another occasion, Vatinius, a man of rude
manners and often insolent in court to the magistrates, who had
large swellings on his neck, came before his tribunal and made
some request, and on Cicero's desiring further time to consider
it, told him that he himself would have made no question about
it, had he been praetor. Cicero, turning quickly upon him,
answered, "But I, you see, have not the neck that you have."

When there were but two or three days remaining in his office,
Manilius was brought before him, and charged with peculation.
Manilius had the good opinion and favor of the common people,
and was thought to be prosecuted only for Pompey's sake, whose
particular friend he was. And therefore, when he asked a space
of time before his trial, and Cicero allowed him but one day,
and that the next only, the common people grew highly offended,
because it had been the custom of the praetors to allow ten days
at least to the accused: and the tribunes of the people having
called him before the people, and accused him, he, desiring to
be heard, said, that as he had always treated the accused with
equity and humanity, as far as the law allowed, so he thought it
hard to deny the same to Manilius, and that he had studiously
appointed that day of which alone, as praetor, he was master,
and that it was not the part of those that were desirous to help
him, to cast the judgment of his cause upon another praetor.
These things being said made a wonderful change in the people,
and, commending him much for it, they desired that he himself
would undertake the defense of Manilius; which he willingly
consented to, and that principally for the sake of Pompey, who
was absent. And, accordingly, taking his place before the
people again, he delivered a bold invective upon the
oligarchical party and on those who were jealous of Pompey.

Yet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles
than the common people, for the good of the city; and both
parties jointly assisted his promotion, upon the following
reasons. The change of government made by Sylla, which at first
seemed a senseless one, by time and usage had now come to be
considered by the people no unsatisfactory settlement. But
there were some that endeavored to alter and subvert the whole
present state of affairs not from any good motives, but for
their own private gain; and Pompey being at this time employed
in the wars with the kings of Pontus and Armenia, there was no
sufficient force at Rome to suppress any attempts at a
revolution. These people had for their head a man of bold,
daring, and restless character, Lucius Catiline, who was
accused, besides other great offenses, of deflowering his virgin
daughter, and killing his own brother; for which latter crime,
fearing to be prosecuted at law, he persuaded Sylla to set him
down, as though he were yet alive, amongst those that were to be
put to death by proscription. This man the profligate citizens
choosing for their captain, gave faith to one another, amongst
other pledges, by sacrificing a man and eating of his flesh; and
a great part of the young men of the city were corrupted by him,
he providing for everyone pleasures, drink, and women, and
profusely supplying the expense of these debauches. Etruria,
moreover, had all been excited to revolt, as well as a great
part of Gaul within the Alps. But Rome itself was in the most
dangerous inclination to change, on account of the unequal
distribution of wealth and property, those of highest rank and
greatest spirit having impoverished themselves by shows,
entertainments, ambition of offices, and sumptuous buildings,
and the riches of the city having thus fallen into the hands of
mean and low-born persons. So that there wanted but a slight
impetus to set all in motion, it being in the power of every
daring man to overturn a sickly commonwealth.

Catiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position
to carry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had
great hopes of success, thinking he should be appointed, with
Caius Antonius as his colleague, who was a man fit to lead
neither in a good cause nor in a bad one, but might be a
valuable accession to another's power. These things the
greatest part of the good and honest citizens apprehending, put
Cicero upon standing for the consulship; whom the people readily
receiving, Catiline was put by, so that he and Caius Antonius
were chosen, although amongst the competitors he was the only
man descended from a father of the equestrian, and not of the
senatorial order.

Though the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet
considerable preliminary troubles immediately followed upon
Cicero's entrance upon the consulship. For, on the one side,
those who were disqualified by the laws of Sylla from holding
any public offices, being neither inconsiderable in power nor in
number, came forward as candidates and caressed the people for
them; speaking many things truly and justly against the tyranny
of Sylla, only that they disturbed the government at an improper
and unseasonable time; on the other hand, the tribunes of the
people proposed laws to the same purpose, constituting a
commission of ten persons, with unlimited powers, in whom as
supreme governors should be vested the right of selling the
public lands of all Italy and Syria and Pompey's new conquests,
of judging and banishing whom they pleased, of planting
colonies, of taking moneys out of the treasury, and of levying
and paying what soldiers should be thought needful. And several
of the nobility favored this law, but especially Caius Antonius,
Cicero's colleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But what
gave the greatest fear to the nobles was, that he was thought
privy to the conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it,
because of his great debts.

Cicero, endeavoring in the first place to provide a remedy
against this danger, procured a decree assigning to him the
province of Macedonia, he himself declining that of Gaul, which
was offered to him. And this piece of favor so completely won
over Antonius, that he was ready to second and respond to, like
a hired player, whatever Cicero said for the good of the
country. And now, having made his colleague thus tame and
tractable, he could with greater courage attack the
conspirators. And, therefore, in the senate, making an oration
against the law of the ten commissioners, he so confounded those
who proposed it, that they had nothing to reply. And when they
again endeavored, and, having prepared things beforehand, had
called the consuls before the assembly of the people, Cicero,
fearing nothing, went first out, and commanded the senate to
follow him, and not only succeeded in throwing out the law, but
so entirely overpowered the tribunes by his oratory, that they
abandoned all thought of their other projects.

For Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others,
who made the Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to
what is good, and how invincible justice is, if it be well
spoken; and that it is necessary for him who would dexterously
govern a commonwealth, in action, always to prefer that which
is honest before that which is popular, and in speaking, to free
the right and useful measure from everything that may occasion
offense. An incident occurred in the theater, during his
consulship, which showed what his speaking could do. For
whereas formerly the knights of Rome were mingled in the theater
with the common people, and took their places amongst them as it
happened, Marcus Otho, when he was praetor, was the first who
distinguished them from the other citizens, and appointed them a
proper seat, which they still enjoy as their special place in
the theater. This the common people took as an indignity done
to them, and, therefore, when Otho appeared in the theater, they
hissed him; the knights, on the contrary, received him with loud
clapping. The people repeated and increased their hissing; the
knights continued their clapping. Upon this, turning upon one
another, they broke out into insulting words, so that the
theater was in great disorder. Cicero, being informed of it,
came himself to the theater, and summoning the people into the
temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid and chastised them for
it, that, again returning into the theater, they received Otho
with loud applause, contending with the knights who should give
him the greatest demonstrations of honor and respect.

The conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened,
began presently to take courage again. And assembling
themselves together, they exhorted one another boldly to
undertake the design before Pompey's return, who, as it was
said, was now on his march with his forces for Rome. But the
old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's chief stimulus to action.
They had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest number
and the fiercest of them lay scattered among the cities of
Etruria, entertaining themselves with dreams of new plunder and
rapine amongst the hoarded riches of Italy. These, having for
their leader Manlius, who had served with distinction in the
wars under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline, and came to
Rome to assist him with their suffrages at the election. For he
again pretended to the consulship, having resolved to kill
Cicero in a tumult at the elections. Also, the divine powers
seemed to give intimation of the coming troubles, by
earthquakes, thunderbolts, and strange appearances. Nor was
human evidence wanting, certain enough in itself, though not
sufficient for the conviction of the noble and powerful
Catiline. Therefore Cicero, deferring the day of election,
summoned Catiline into the senate, and questioned him as to the
charges made against him. Catiline, believing there were many
in the senate desirous of change, and to give a specimen of
himself to the conspirators present, returned an audacious
answer, "What harm," said he, "when I see two bodies, the one
lean and consumptive with a head, the other great and strong
without one, if I put a head to that body which wants one?"
This covert representation of the senate and the people excited
yet greater apprehensions in Cicero. He put on armor, and was
attended from his house by the noble citizens in a body; and a
number of the young men went with him into the Plain. Here,
designedly letting his tunic slip partly off from his shoulders,
he showed his armor underneath, and discovered his danger to the
spectators; who, being much moved at it, gathered round about
him for his defense. At length, Catiline was by a general
suffrage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls.

Not long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body
in Etruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day
appointed for the design being near at hand. About midnight,
some of the principal and most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus
Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's
house, where, knocking at the gate, and calling up the porter,
they commended him to awake Cicero, and tell him they were
there. The business was this: Crassus's porter after supper
had delivered to him letters brought by an unknown person. Some
of them were directed to others, but one to Crassus, without a
name; this only Crassus read, which informed him that there was
a great slaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave
the city. The others he did not open, but went with them
immediately to Cicero, being affrighted at the danger, and to
free himself of the suspicion he lay under for his familiarity
with Catiline. Cicero, considering the matter, summoned the
senate at break of day. The letters he brought with him, and
delivered them to those to whom they were directed, commanding
them to read them publicly; they all alike contained an account
of the conspiracy. And when Quintus Arrius, a man of praetorian
dignity, recounted to them, how soldiers were collecting in
companies in Etruria, and Manlius stated to be in motion with a
large force, hovering about those cities, in expectation of
intelligence from Rome, the senate made a decree, to place all
in the hands of the consuls, who should undertake the conduct of
everything, and do their best to save the state. This was not
a common thing, but only done by the senate in case of imminent
danger.

After Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs
outside to Quintus Metellus, but the management of the city he
kept in his own hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him
every day when he went abroad, that the greatest part of the
market-place was filled with his train when he entered it.
Catiline, impatient of further delay, resolved himself to break
forth and go to Manlius, but he commanded Marcius and Cethegus
to take their swords, and go early in the morning to Cicero's
gates, as if only intending to salute him, and then to fall upon
him and slay him. This a noble lady, Fulvia, coming by night,
discovered to Cicero, bidding him beware of Cethegus and
Marcius. They came by break of day, and being denied entrance,
made an outcry and disturbance at the gates, which excited all
the more suspicion. But Cicero, going forth, summoned the
senate into the temple of Jupiter Stator, which stands at the
end of the Sacred Street, going up to the Palatine. And when
Catiline with others of his party also came, as intending to
make his defense, none of the senators would sit by him, but all
of them left the bench where he had placed himself. And when he
began to speak, they interrupted him with outcries. At length
Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave the city, for since
one governed the commonwealth with words, the other with arms,
it was necessary there should be a wall betwixt them. Catiline,
therefore, immediately left the town, with three hundred armed
men; and assuming, as if he had been a magistrate, the rods,
axes, and military ensigns, he went to Manlius, and having got
together a body of near twenty thousand men, with these he
marched to the several cities, endeavoring to persuade or force
them to revolt. So it being now come to open war, Antonius was
sent forth to fight him.

The remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted,
Cornelius Lentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the
surname Sura, and was a man of a noble family, but a dissolute
liver, who for his debauchery was formerly turned out of the
senate, and was now holding the office of praetor for the second
time, as the custom is with those who desire to regain the
dignity of senator. It is said that he got the surname Sura
upon this occasion; being quaestor in the time of Sylla, he had
lavished away and consumed a great quantity of the public
moneys, at which Sylla being provoked, called him to give an
account in the senate; he appeared with great coolness and
contempt, and said he had no account to give, but they might
take this, holding up the calf of his leg, as boys do at ball,
when they have missed. Upon which he was surnamed Sura, sura
being the Roman word for the calf of the leg. Being at another
time prosecuted at law, and having bribed some of the judges, he
escaped only by two votes, and complained of the needless
expense he had gone to in paying for a second, as one would have
sufficed to acquit him. This man, such in his own nature, and
now inflamed by Catiline, false prophets and fortune-tellers had
also corrupted with vain hopes, quoting to him fictitious verses
and oracles, and proving from the Sibylline prophecies that
there were three of the name Cornelius designed by fate to be
monarchs of Rome; two of whom, Cinna and Sylla, had already
fulfilled the decree, and that divine fortune was now advancing
with the gift of monarchy for the remaining third Cornelius; and
that therefore he ought by all means to accept it, and not lose
opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done.

Lentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he
had resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other
citizens as he could, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except
only Pompey's children, intending to seize and keep them as
pledges of his reconciliation with Pompey. For there was then a
common and strong report that Pompey was on his way homeward
from his great expedition. The night appointed for the design
was one of the Saturnalia; swords, flax, and sulfur they carried
and hid in the house of Cethegus; and providing one hundred men,
and dividing the city into as many parts, they had allotted to
every one singly his proper place, so that in a moment many
kindling the fire, the city might be in a flame all together.
Others were appointed to stop up the aqueducts, and to kill
those who should endeavor to carry water to put it out. Whilst
these plans were preparing, it happened there were two
ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a nation at
that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under the
Roman government. These Lentulus and his party judging useful
instruments to move and seduce Gaul to revolt, admitted into the
conspiracy, and they gave them letters to their own magistrates,
and letters to Catiline; in those they promised liberty, in
these they exhorted Catiline to set all slaves free, and to
bring them along with him to Rome. They sent also to accompany
them to Catiline, one Titus, a native of Croton, who was to
carry those letters to him.

These counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over
wine and with women, Cicero watched with sober industry and
forethought, and with most admirable sagacity, having several
emissaries abroad, who observed and traced with him all that was
done, and keeping also a secret correspondence with many who
pretended to join in the conspiracy. He thus knew all the
discourse which passed betwixt them and the strangers; and lying
in wait for them by night, he took the Crotonian with his
letters, the ambassadors of the Allobroges acting secretly in
concert with him.

By break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of
Concord, where he read the letters and examined the informers.
Junius Silanus further stated, that several persons had heard
Cethegus say, that three consuls and four praetors were to be
slain; Piso, also, a person of consular dignity, testified other
matters of the like nature; and Caius Sulpicius, one of the
praetors, being sent to Cethegus's house, found there a quantity
of darts and of armor, and a still greater number of swords and
daggers, all recently whetted. At length, the senate decreeing
indemnity to the Crotonian upon his confession of the whole
matter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his office (for he was
then praetor), and put off his robe edged with purple in the
senate, changing it for another garment more agreeable to his
present circumstances. He, thereupon, with the rest of his
confederates present, was committed to the charge of the
praetors in free custody.

It being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting
without, Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done,
and then, attended by them, went to the house of a friend and
near neighbor; for his own was taken up by the women, who were
celebrating with secret rites the feast of the goddess whom the
Romans call the Good, and the Greeks, the Women's goddess. For
a sacrifice is annually performed to her in the consul's house,
either by his wife or mother, in the presence of the vestal
virgins. And having got into his friend's house privately, a
few only being present, he began to deliberate how he should
treat these men. The severest, and the only punishment fit for
such heinous crimes, he was somewhat shy and fearful of
inflicting, as well from the clemency of his nature, as also
lest he should be thought to exercise his authority too
insolently, and to treat too harshly men of the noblest birth
and most powerful friendships in the city; and yet, if he should
use them more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from
them. For there was no likelihood, if they suffered less than
death, they would be reconciled, but rather, adding new rage to
their former wickedness, they would rush into every kind of
audacity, while he himself, whose character for courage already
did not stand very high with the multitude, would be thought
guilty of the greatest cowardice and want of manliness.

Whilst Cicero was doubting what course to take, a portent
happened to the women in their sacrificing. For on the altar,
where the fire seemed wholly extinguished, a great and bright
flame issued forth from the ashes of the burnt wood; at which
others were affrighted, but the holy virgins called to Terentia,
Cicero's wife, and bade her haste to her husband, and command
him to execute what he had resolved for the good of his country,
for the goddess had sent a great light to the increase of his
safety and glory. Terentia, therefore, as she was otherwise in
her own nature neither tender-hearted nor timorous, but a woman
eager for distinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would rather
thrust herself into his public affairs, than communicate her
domestic matters to him), told him these things, and excited him
against the conspirators. So also did Quintus his brother, and
Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical friends, whom he
often made use of in his greatest and most weighty affairs of
state.

The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the
punishment of the men, Silanus, being the first who was asked
his opinion, said, it was fit they should be all sent to the
prison, and there suffer the utmost penalty. To him all
consented in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who was
afterwards dictator. He was then but a young man, and only at
the outset of his career, but had already directed his hopes and
policy to that course by which he afterwards changed the Roman
state into a monarchy. Of this others foresaw nothing; but
Cicero had seen reason for strong suspicion, though without
obtaining any sufficient means of proof. And there were some
indeed that said that he was very near being discovered, and
only just escaped him; others are of opinion that Cicero
voluntarily overlooked and neglected the evidence against him,
for fear of his friends and power; for it was very evident to
everybody, that if Caesar was to be accused with the
conspirators, they were more likely to be saved with him, than
he to be punished with them.

When, therefore, it came to Caesar's turn to give his opinion,
he stood up and proposed that the conspirators should not be put
to death, but their estates confiscated, and their persons
confined in such cities in Italy as Cicero should approve, there
to be kept in custody till Catiline was conquered. To this
sentence, as it was the most moderate, and he that delivered it
a most powerful speaker, Cicero himself gave no small weight,
for he stood up and, turning the scale on either side, spoke in
favor partly of the former, partly of Caesar's sentence. And
all Cicero's friends, judging Caesar's sentence most expedient
for Cicero, because he would incur the less blame if the
conspirators were not put to death, chose rather the latter; so
that Silanus, also, changing his mind, retracted his opinion,
and said he had not declared for capital, but only the utmost
punishment, which to a Roman senator is imprisonment. The first
man who spoke against Caesar's motion was Catulus Lutatius.
Cato followed, and so vehemently urged in his speech the strong
suspicion about Caesar himself, and so filled the senate with
anger and resolution, that a decree was passed for the execution
of the conspirators. But Caesar opposed the confiscation of
their goods, not thinking it fair that those who had rejected
the mildest part of his sentence should avail themselves of the
severest. And when many insisted upon it, he appealed to the
tribunes, but they would do nothing; till Cicero himself
yielding, remitted that part of the sentence.

After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators;
they were not all together in one place, but the several
praetors had them, some one, some another, in custody. And
first he took Lentulus from the Palatine, and brought him by the
Sacred Street, through the middle of the marketplace, a circle
of the most eminent citizens encompassing and protecting him.
The people, affrighted at what was doing, passed along in
silence, especially the young men; as if, with fear and
trembling; they were undergoing a rite of initiation into some
ancient, sacred mysteries of aristocratic power. Thus passing
from the market-place, and coming to the gaol, he delivered
Lentulus to the officer, and commanded him to execute him; and
after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in order, he brought and
delivered up to execution. And when he saw many of the
conspirators in the market-place, still standing together in
companies, ignorant of what was done, and waiting for the night,
supposing the men were still alive and in a possibility of being
rescued, he called out in a loud voice, and said, "They did
live;" for so the Romans, to avoid inauspicious language, name
those that are dead.

It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to
his own house, the citizens no longer attending him with
silence, nor in order, but receiving him, as he passed, with
acclamations and applauses, and saluting him as the savior and
founder of his country. A bright light shone through the
streets from the lamps and torches set up at the doors, and the
women showed lights from the tops of the houses, to honor
Cicero, and to behold him returning home with a splendid train
of the most principal citizens; amongst whom were many who had
conducted great wars, celebrated triumphs, and added to the
possessions of the Roman empire, both by sea and land. These,
as they passed along with him, acknowledged to one another, that
though the Roman people were indebted to several officers and
commanders of that age for riches, spoils, and power, yet to
Cicero alone they owed the safety and security of all these, for
delivering them from so great and imminent a danger. For though
it might seem no wonderful thing to prevent the design, and
punish the conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all
conspiracies with so little disturbance, trouble, and commotion,
was very extraordinary. For the greater part of those who had
flocked in to Catiline, as soon as they heard the fate of
Lentulus and Cethegus, left and forsook him, and he himself,
with his remaining forces, joining battle with Antonius, was
destroyed with his army.

And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of
Cicero, and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for
their leaders some of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as
Caesar, who was one of the praetors, and Metellus and Bestia,
the tribunes. These, entering upon their office some few days
before Cicero's consulate expired, would not permit him to make
any address to the people, but, throwing the benches before the
Rostra, hindered his speaking, telling him he might, if he
pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from office, and then come
down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the conditions, came
forward to make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he
recited his oath, not in the usual, but in a new and peculiar
form, namely, that he had saved his country, and preserved the
empire; the truth of which oath all the people confirmed with
theirs. Caesar and the tribunes, all the more exasperated by
this, endeavored to create him further trouble, and for this
purpose proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to
put an end to Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great
advantage for Cicero and the whole commonwealth that Cato was at
that time one of the tribunes. For he, being of equal power
with the rest, and of greater reputation, could oppose their
designs. He easily defeated their other projects, and, in an
oration to the people, so highly extolled Cicero's consulate,
that the greatest honors were decreed him, and he was publicly
declared the Father of his Country, which title he seems to have
obtained, the first man who did so, when Cato gave it him in
this address to the people.

At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the
city; but he created himself much envy, and offended very many,
not by any evil action, but because he was always lauding and
magnifying himself. For neither senate, nor assembly of the
people, nor court of judicature could meet, in which he was not
heard to talk of Catiline and Lentulus. Indeed, he also filled
his books and writings with his own praises, to such an excess
as to render a style, in itself most pleasant and delightful,
nauseous and irksome to his hearers; this ungrateful humor, like
a disease, always cleaving to him. Nevertheless, though he was
intemperately fond of his own glory, he was very free from
envying others, and was, on the contrary, most liberally profuse
in commending both the ancients and his contemporaries, as
anyone may see in his writings. And many such sayings of his are
also remembered; as that he called Aristotle a river of flowing
gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Jupiter were to
speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to call
Theophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which of
Demosthenes's orations he liked best, he answered, the longest.
And yet some affected imitators of Demosthenes have complained
of some words that occur in one of his letters, to the effect
that Demosthenes sometimes falls asleep in his speeches;
forgetting the many high encomiums he continually passes upon
him, and the compliment he paid him when he named the most
elaborate of all his orations, those he wrote against Antony,
Philippics. And as for the eminent men of his own time, either
in eloquence or philosophy, there was not one of them whom he
did not, by writing or speaking favorably of him, render more
illustrious. He obtained of Caesar, when in power, the Roman
citizenship for Cratippus, the Peripatetic, and got the court of
Areopagus, by public decree, to request his stay at Athens, for
the instruction of their youth, and the honor of their city.
There are letters extant from Cicero to Herodes, and others to
his son, in which he recommends the study of philosophy under
Cratippus. There is one in which he blames Gorgias, the
rhetorician, for enticing his son into luxury and drinking, and,
therefore, forbids him his company. And this, and one other to
Pelops, the Byzantine, are the only two of his Greek epistles
which seem to be written in anger. In the first, he justly
reflects on Gorgias, if he were what he was thought to be, a
dissolute and profligate character; but in the other, he rather
meanly expostulates and complains with Pelops, for neglecting to
procure him a decree of certain honors from the Byzantines.

Another illustration of his love of praise is the way in which
sometimes, to make his orations more striking, he neglected
decorum and dignity. When Munatius, who had escaped conviction
by his advocacy, immediately prosecuted his friend Sabinus, he
said in the warmth of his resentment, "Do you suppose you were
acquitted for your own meets, Munatius, and was it not that I so
darkened the case, that the court could not see your guilt?"
When from the Rostra he had made an eulogy on Marcus Crassus,
with much applause, and within a few days after again as
publicly reproached him, Crassus called to him, and said, "Did
not you yourself two days ago, in this same place, commend me?"
"Yes," said Cicero, "I exercised my eloquence in declaiming upon
a bad subject." At another time, Crassus had said that no one
of his family had ever lived beyond sixty years of age, and
afterwards denied it, and asked, "What should put it into my
head to say so?" "It was to gain the people's favor," answered
Cicero; "you knew how glad they would be to hear it." When
Crassus expressed admiration of the Stoic doctrine, that the
good man is always rich, "Do you not mean," said Cicero, "their
doctrine that all things belong to the wise?" Crassus being
generally accused of covetousness. One of Crassus's sons, who
was thought so exceedingly like a man of the name of Axius as to
throw some suspicion on his mother's honor, made a successful
speech in the senate. Cicero on being asked how he liked it,
replied with the Greek words, Axios Crassou.

When Crassus was about to go into Syria, he desired to leave
Cicero rather his friend than his enemy, and, therefore, one day
saluting him, told him he would come and sup with him, which the
other as courteously received. Within a few days after, on some
of Cicero's acquaintances interceding for Vatinius, as desirous
of reconciliation and friendship, for he was then his enemy,
"What," he replied, "does Vatinius also wish to come and sup
with me?" Such was his way with Crassus. When Vatinius, who
had swellings in his neck, was pleading a cause, he called him
the tumid orator; and having been told by someone that Vatinius
was dead, on hearing presently after that he was alive, "May the
rascal perish," said he, "for his news not being true."

Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the
lands in Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate
opposed it; amongst the rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest
men in the house, said it should never pass whilst he lived.
"Let us postpone it," said Cicero, "Gellius does not ask us to
wait long." There was a man of the name of Octavius, suspected
to be of African descent. He once said, when Cicero was
pleading, that he could not hear him; "Yet there are holes,"
said Cicero, "in your ears." When Metellus Nepos told him,
that he had ruined more as a witness, than he had saved as an
advocate, "I admit," said Cicero, "that I have more truth than
eloquence." To a young man who was suspected of having given a
poisoned cake to his father, and who talked largely of the
invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero, "Better these,"
replied he, "than your cakes." Publius Sextius, having amongst
others retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause, was
yet desirous to say all for himself, and would not allow anybody
to speak for him; when he was about to receive his acquittal
from the judges, and the ballots were passing, Cicero called to
him, "Make haste, Sextius, and use your time; tomorrow you will
be nobody." He cited Publius Cotta to bear testimony in a
certain cause, one who affected to be thought a lawyer, though
ignorant and unlearned; to whom, when he had said, "I know
nothing of the matter," he answered, "You think, perhaps, we ask
you about a point of law." To Metellus Nepos, who, in a dispute
between them, repeated several times, "Who was your father,
Cicero?" he replied, "Your mother has made the answer to such a
question in your case more difficult;" Nepos's mother having
been of ill repute. The son, also, was of a giddy, uncertain
temper. At one time, he suddenly threw up his office of
tribune, and sailed off into Syria to Pompey; and immediately
after, with as little reason, came back again. He gave his
tutor, Philagrus, a funeral with more than necessary attention,
and then set up the stone figure of a crow over his tomb.
"This," said Cicero, "is really appropriate; as he did not teach
you to speak, but to fly about." When Marcus Appius, in the
opening of some speech in a court of justice, said that his
friend had desired him to employ industry, eloquence, and
fidelity in that cause, Cicero answered, "And how have you had
the heart not to accede to any one of his requests?"

To use this sharp raillery against opponents and antagonists in
judicial pleading seems allowable rhetoric. But he excited much
ill feeling by his readiness to attack anyone for the sake of a
jest. A few anecdotes of this kind may be added. Marcus
Aquinius, who had two sons-in-law in exile, received from him
the name of king Adrastus. Lucius Cotta, an intemperate lover
of wine, was censor when Cicero stood for the consulship.
Cicero, being thirsty at the election, his friends stood round
about him while he was drinking. "You have reason to be
afraid," he said, "lest the censor should be angry with me for
drinking water." Meeting one day Voconius with his three very
ugly daughters, he quoted the verse,

He reared a race without Apollo's leave.

When Marcus Gellius, who was reputed the son of a slave, had
read several letters in the senate with a very shrill, and loud
voice, "Wonder not," said Cicero, "he comes of the criers."
When Faustus Sylla, the son of Sylla the dictator, who had,
during his dictatorship, by public bills proscribed and
condemned so many citizens, had so far wasted his estate, and
got into debt, that he was forced to publish his bills of sale,
Cicero told him that he liked these bills much better than those
of his father. By this habit he made himself odious with many
people.

But Clodius's faction conspired against him upon the following
occasion. Clodius was a member of a noble family, in the flower
of his youth, and of a bold and resolute temper. He, being in
love with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, got privately into his house
in the dress and attire of a music-girl; the women being at that
time offering there the sacrifice which must not be seen by men,
and there was no man present. Clodius, being a youth and
beardless, hoped to get to Pompeia among the women without being
taken notice of. But coming into a great house by night, he
missed his way in the passages, and a servant belonging to
Aurelia, Caesar's mother, spying him wandering up and down,
inquired his name. Thus being necessitated to speak, he told
her he was seeking for one of Pompeia's maids, Abra by name; and
she, perceiving it not to be a woman's voice, shrieked out, and
called in the women; who, shutting the gates, and searching
every place, at length found Clodius hidden in the chamber of
the maid with whom he had come in. This matter being much
talked about, Caesar put away his wife, Pompeia, and Clodius was
prosecuted for profaning the holy rites.

Cicero was at this time his friend, for he had been useful
to him in the conspiracy of Catiline, as one of his forwardest
assistants and protectors. But when Clodius rested his defense
upon this point, that he was not then at Rome, but at a distance
in the country, Cicero testified that he had come to his house
that day, and conversed with him on several matters; which thing
was indeed true, although Cicero was thought to testify it not
so much for the truth's sake as to preserve his quiet with
Terentia his wife. For she bore a grudge against Clodius on
account of his sister Clodia's wishing, as it was alleged, to
marry Cicero, and having employed for this purpose the
intervention of Tullus, a very intimate friend of Cicero's; and
his frequent visits to Clodia, who lived in their neighborhood,
and the attentions he paid to her had excited Terentia's
suspicions, and, being a woman of a violent temper, and having
the ascendant over Cicero, she urged him on to taking a part
against Clodius, and delivering his testimony. Many other good
and honest citizens also gave evidence against him, for
perjuries, disorders, bribing the people, and debauching women.
Lucullus proved, by his women-servants, that he had debauched
his youngest sister when she was Lucullus's wife; and there was
a general belief that he had done the same with his two other
sisters, Tertia, whom Marcius Rex, and Clodia, whom Metellus
Celer had married; the latter of whom was called Quadrantia,
because one of her lovers had deceived her with a purse of small
copper money instead of silver, the smallest copper coin being
called a quadrant. Upon this sister's account, in particular,
Clodius's character was attacked. Notwithstanding all this,
when the common people united against the accusers and witnesses
and the whole party, the judges were affrighted, and a guard was
placed about them for their defense; and most of them wrote
their sentences on the tablets in such a way, that they could
not well be read. It was decided, however, that there was a
majority for his acquittal, and bribery was reported to have
been employed; in reference to which Catulus remarked, when he
next met the judges, "You were very right to ask for a guard, to
prevent your money being taken from you." And when Clodius
upbraided Cicero that the judges had not believed his testimony,
"Yes," said he, "five and twenty of them trusted me, and
condemned you, and the other thirty did not trust you, for they
did not acquit you till they had got your money."

Caesar, though cited, did not give his testimony against
Clodius, and declared himself not convinced of his wife's
adultery, but that he had put her away because it was fit that
Caesar's house should not be only free of the evil fact, but of
the fame too.

Clodius, having escaped this danger, and having got himself
chosen one of the tribunes, immediately attacked Cicero, heaping
up all matters and inciting all persons against him. The common
people he gained over with popular laws; to each of the consuls
he decreed large provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Gabinius,
Syria; he made a strong party among the indigent citizens, to
support him in his proceedings, and had always a body of armed
slaves about him. Of the three men then in greatest power,
Crassus was Cicero's open enemy, Pompey indifferently made
advances to both, and Caesar was going with an army into Gaul.
To him, though not his friend (what had occurred in the time of
the conspiracy having created suspicions between them), Cicero
applied, requesting an appointment as one of his lieutenants in
the province. Caesar accepted him, and Clodius, perceiving that
Cicero would thus escape his tribunician authority, professed to
be inclinable to a reconciliation, laid the greatest fault upon
Terentia, made always a favorable mention of him, and addressed
him with kind expressions, as one who felt no hatred or
ill-will, but who merely wished to urge his complaints in a
moderate and friendly way. By these artifices, he so freed
Cicero of all his fears, that he resigned his appointment to
Caesar, and betook himself again to political affairs. At which
Caesar being exasperated, joined the party of Clodius against
him, and wholly alienated Pompey from him; he also himself
declared in a public assembly of the people, that he did not
think Lentulus and Cethegus, with their accomplices, were fairly
and legally put to death without being brought to trial. And
this, indeed, was the crime charged upon Cicero, and this
impeachment he was summoned to answer. And so, as an accused
man, and in danger for the result, he changes his dress, and
went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire of a
suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in
every corner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows about
him, who derided Cicero for his change of dress and his
humiliation, and often, by throwing dirt and stones at him,
interrupted his supplication to the people.

However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed
their dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young
gentlemen followed him with their hair untrimmed, and
supplicating with him to the people. And then the senate met,
to pass a decree that the people should change their dress as in
time of public sorrow. But the consuls opposing it, and Clodius
with armed men besetting the senate-house, many of the senators
ran out, crying out and tearing their clothes. But this sight
moved neither shame nor pity; Cicero must either fly or
determine it by the sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to
aid him, who was on purpose gone out of the way, and was staying
at his country-house in the Alban hills; and first he sent his
son-in-law Piso to intercede with him, and afterwards set out to
go himself. Of which Pompey being informed, would not stay to
see him, being ashamed at the remembrance of the many conflicts
in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone in his behalf,
and how much of his policy he had directed for his advantage.
But being now Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had set
aside all former kindness, and, slipping out at another door,
avoided the interview. Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left
alone to himself, he fled to the consuls. Gabinius was rough
with him, as usual, but Piso spoke more courteously, desiring
him to yield and give place for a while to the fury of Clodius,
and to await a change of times, and to be now, as before, his
country's savior from the peril of these troubles and commotions
which Clodius was exciting.

Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends.
Lucullus advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last;
others to fly, because the people would soon desire him again,
when they should have enough of the rage and madness of Clodius.
This last Cicero approved. But first he took a statue of
Minerva, which had been long set up and greatly honored in his
house, and carrying it to the capitol, there dedicated it, with
the inscription, "To Minerva, Patroness of Rome." And receiving
an escort from his friends, about the middle of the night he
left the city, and went by land through Lucania, intending to
reach Sicily.

But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius
proposed to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order
interdicted him fire and water, prohibiting any within five
hundred miles in Italy to receive him into their houses. Most
people, out of respect for Cicero, paid no regard to this edict,
offering him every attention and escorting him on his way. But
at Hipponium, a city of Lucania, now called Vibo, one Vibius, a
Sicilian by birth, who, amongst many other instances of Cicero's
friendship, had been made head of the state engineers when he
was consul, would not receive him into his house, sending him
word he would appoint a place in the country for his reception.
Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on the most
intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming into
Sicily. At these things Cicero being disheartened, went to
Brundusium, whence putting forth with a prosperous wind, a
contrary gale blowing from the sea carried him back to Italy-
the next day. He put again to sea, and having reached
Dyrrachium, on his coming to shore there, it is reported that an
earthquake and a convulsion in the sea happened at the same
time, signs which the diviners said intimated that his exile
would not be long, for these were prognostics of change.
Although many visited him with respect, and the cities of Greece
contended which should honor him most, he yet continued
disheartened and disconsolate, like an unfortunate lover, often
casting his looks back upon Italy; and, indeed, he was become so
poor-spirited, so humiliated and dejected by his misfortunes,
as none could have expected in a man who had devoted so much of
his life to study and learning. And yet he often desired his
friends not to call him orator, but philosopher, because he had
made philosophy his business, and had only used rhetoric as an
instrument for attaining his objects in public life. But the
desire of glory has great power in washing the tinctures of
philosophy out of the souls of men, and in imprinting the
passions of the common people, by custom and conversation, in
the minds of those that take a part in governing them, unless
the politician be very careful so to engage in public affairs as
to interest himself only in the affairs themselves, but not
participate in the passions that are consequent to them.

Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his
farms and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on
the site of it a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he
exposed to sale by daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy.
By these courses he became formidable to the noble citizens,
and, being followed by the commonalty, whom he had filled with
insolence and licentiousness, he began at last to try his
strength against Pompey, some of whose arrangements in the
countries he conquered, he attacked. The disgrace of this made
Pompey begin to reproach himself for his cowardice in deserting
Cicero, and, changing his mind, he now wholly set himself with
his friends to contrive his return. And when Clodius opposed
it, the senate made a vote that no public measure should be
ratified or passed by them till Cicero was recalled. But when
Lentulus was consul, the commotions grew so high upon this
matter, that the tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and
Quintus, Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying unobserved
amongst the slain. The people began to change in their
feelings; and Annius Milo, one of their tribunes, was the first
who took confidence to summon Clodius to trial for acts of
violence. Many of the common people and out of the neighboring
cities formed a party with Pompey, and he went with them, and
drove Clodius out of the Forum, and summoned the people to pass
their vote. And, it is said, the people never passed any
suffrage more unanimously than this. The senate, also, striving
to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks to those cities
which had received Cicero with respect in his exile, and decreed
that his house and his country-places, which Clodius had
destroyed, should be rebuilt at the public charge.

Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the
cities were so glad, and people so zealous to meet him, that
what he boasted of afterwards, that Italy had brought him on her
shoulders home to Rome, was rather less than the truth. And
Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before his exile, went
then voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled, to please his
son Publius, as he said, who was Cicero's affectionate admirer.

Cicero had not been long at Rome, when, taking the opportunity
of Clodius's absence, he went, with a great company, to the
capitol, and there tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in
which were recorded the acts done in the time of Clodius. And
on Clodius calling him in question for this, he answered, that
he, being of the patrician order, had obtained the office of
tribune against law, and, therefore, nothing done by him was
valid. Cato was displeased at this, and opposed Cicero, not
that he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved of his whole
administration; yet, he contended, it was an irregular and
violent course for the senate to vote the illegality of so many
decrees and acts, including those of Cato's own government in
Cyprus and at Byzantium. This occasioned a breach between Cato
and Cicero, which, though it came not to open enmity, yet made a
more reserved friendship between them.

After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the
murder, he procured Cicero as his advocate. The senate, fearing
lest the questioning of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen
as Milo might disturb the peace of the city, committed the
superintendence of this and of the other trials to Pompey, who
should undertake to maintain the security alike of the city and
of the courts of justice. Pompey, therefore, went in the night,
and occupying the high grounds about it, surrounded the Forum
with soldiers. Milo, fearing lest Cicero, being disturbed by
such an unusual sight, should conduct his cause the less
successfully, persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum,
and there repose himself till the judges were set, and the court
filled. For Cicero, it seems, not only wanted courage in arms,
but, in his speaking also, began with timidity, and in many
cases scarcely left off trembling and shaking when he had got
thoroughly into the current and the substance of his speech.
Being to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of Cato,
and being eager to outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea with
great applause, he took so little rest that night, and was so
disordered with thought and over-watching, that he spoke much
worse than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to
commence the cause of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, posted, as
it were, and encamped with his troops above, and seeing arms
shining round about the Forum, he was so confounded, that he
could hardly begin his speech, for the trembling of his body,
and hesitance of his tongue; whereas Milo, meantime, was bold
and intrepid in his demeanor, disdaining either to let his hair
grow, or to put on the mourning habit. And this, indeed, seems
to have been one principal cause of his condemnation. Cicero,
however, was thought not so much to have shown timidity for
himself, as anxiety about his friend.

He was made one of the priests, whom the Romans call Augurs, in
the room of Crassus the younger, dead in Parthia. Then he was
appointed, by lot, to the province of Cilicia, and set sail
thither with twelve thousand foot and two thousand six hundred
horse. He had orders to bring back Cappadocia to its allegiance
to Ariobarzanes, its king; which settlement he effected very
completely without recourse to arms. And perceiving the
Cilicians, by the great loss the Romans had suffered in Parthia,
and the commotions in Syria, to have become disposed to attempt
a revolt, by a gentle course of government he soothed them back
into fidelity. He would accept none of the presents that were
offered him by the kings; he remitted the charge of public
entertainments, but daily, at his own house, received the
ingenious and accomplished persons of the province, not
sumptuously, but liberally. His house had no porter, nor was he
ever found in bed by any man, but early in the morning, standing
or walking before his door, he received those who came to offer
their salutations. He is said never once to have ordered any of
those under his command to be beaten with rods, or to have their
garments rent. He never gave contumelious language in his
anger, nor inflicted punishment with reproach. He detected an
embezzlement, to a large amount, in the public money, and thus
relieved the cities from their burdens, at the same time that he
allowed those who made restitution, to retain without further
punishment their rights as citizens. He engaged too, in war, so
far as to give a defeat to the banditti who infested Mount
Amanus, for which he was saluted by his army Imperator. To
Caecilius, the orator, who asked him to send him some panthers
from Cilicia, to be exhibited on the theater at Rome, he wrote,
in commendation of his own actions, that there were no panthers
in Cilicia, for they were all fled to Caria, in anger that in so
general a peace they had become the sole objects of attack. On
leaving his province, he touched at Rhodes, and tarried for some
length of time at Athens, longing much to renew his old studies.
He visited the eminent men of learning, and saw his former
friends and companions; and after receiving in Greece the honors
that were due to him, returned to the city, where everything
was now just as it were in a flame, breaking out into a civil
war.

When the senate would have decreed him a triumph, he told them
he had rather, so differences were accommodated, follow the
triumphal chariot of Caesar. In private, he gave advice to
both, writing many letters to Caesar, and personally entreating
Pompey; doing his best to soothe and bring to reason both the
one and the other. But when matters became incurable, and
Caesar was approaching Rome, and Pompey durst not abide it, but,
with many honest citizens, left the city, Cicero, as yet, did
not join in the flight, and was reputed to adhere to Caesar.
And it is very evident he was in his thoughts much divided, and
wavered painfully between both, for he writes in his epistles,
"To which side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable
plea for war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his
affairs better, and is more able to secure himself and his
friends. So that I know whom I should fly, not whom I should
fly to." But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, by letter
signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most desirable
course to join his party, and partake his hopes, but if he
considered himself too old a man for this, then he should retire
into Greece, and stay quietly there, out of the way of either
party, Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not written himself,
gave an angry reply, that he should not do anything unbecoming
his past life. Such is the account to be collected from his
letters.

But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately
sailed away to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but
Cato; who, taking him privately, chid him for coming to Pompey.
As for himself, he said, it had been indecent to forsake that
part in the commonwealth which he had chosen from the beginning;
but Cicero might have been more useful to his country and
friends, if, remaining neuter, he had attended and used his
influence to moderate the result, instead of coming hither to
make himself, without reason or necessity, an enemy to Caesar,
and a partner in such great dangers. By this language, partly,
Cicero's feelings were altered, and partly, also, because Pompey
made no great use of him. Although, indeed, he was himself the
cause of it, by his not denying that he was sorry he had come,
by his depreciating Pompey's resources, finding fault underhand
with his counsels, and continually indulging in jests and
sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers. Though he went about
in the camp with a gloomy and melancholy face himself, he was
always trying to raise a laugh in others, whether they wished it
or not. It may not be amiss to mention a few instances. To
Domitius, on his preferring to a command one who was no soldier,
and saying, in his defense, that he was a modest and prudent
person, he replied, "Why did not you keep him for a tutor for
your children?" On hearing Theophanes, the Lesbian, who was
master of the engineers in the army, praised for the admirable
way in which he had consoled the Rhodians for the loss of their
fleet, "What a thing it is," he said, "to have a Greek in
command!" When Caesar had been acting successfully, and in a
manner blockading Pompey, Lentulus was saying it was reported
that Caesar's friends were out of heart; "Because," said Cicero,
"they do not wish Caesar well." To one Marcius, who had just
come from Italy, and told them that there was a strong report at
Rome that Pompey was blocked up, he said, "And you sailed hither
to see it with your own eyes." To Nonius, encouraging them
after a defeat to be of good hope, because there were seven
eagles still left in Pompey's camp, "Good reason for
encouragement," said Cicero, "if we were going to fight with
jack-daws." Labienus insisted on some prophecies to the effect
that Pompey would gain the victory; "Yes," said Cicero, "and the
first step in the campaign has been losing our camp."

After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not
present for want of health, and Pompey was fled, Cato, having
considerable forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have
had Cicero commander-in-chief, according to law, and the
precedence of his consular dignity. And on his refusing the
command, and wholly declining to take part in their plans for
continuing the war, he was in the greatest danger of being
killed, young Pompey and his friends calling him traitor, and
drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed, and
hardly rescued and brought him out of the camp.

Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there sometime in
expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia
and Egypt. And when it was told him that he was arrived at
Tarentum, and was coming thence by land to Brundusium, he
hastened towards him, not altogether without hope, and yet in
some fear of making experiment of the temper of an enemy and
conqueror in the presence of many witnesses. But there was no
necessity for him either to speak or do anything unworthy of
himself; for Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good way
before the rest of the company, came down to meet him, saluted
him, and, leading the way, conversed with him alone for some
furlongs. And from that time forward he continued to treat him
with honor and respect; so that, when Cicero wrote an oration in
praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an answer to it, took
occasion to commend Cicero's own life and eloquence, comparing
him to Pericles and Theramenes. Cicero's oration was called
Cato; Caesar's, anti-Cato.

So also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted
for having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had
undertaken his defense, Caesar said to his friends, "Why might
we not as well once more hear a speech from Cicero? Ligarius,
there is no question, is a wicked man and an enemy." But when
Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded
in his speech with such varied pathos, and such a charm of
language, that the color of Caesar's countenance often changed,
and it was evident that all the passions of his soul were in
commotion. At length, the orator touching upon the Pharsalian
battle, he was so affected that his body trembled, and some of
the papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was
overpowered, and acquitted Ligarius.

Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy,
Cicero withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his
leisure in instructing those young men that would, in
philosophy; and by the near intercourse he thus had with some of
the noblest and highest in rank, he again began to possess great
influence in the city. The work and object which he set himself
was to compose and translate philosophical dialogues and to
render logical and physical terms into the Roman idiom. For he
it was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names
to phantasia, syncatathesis, epokhe, catalepsis, atomon,
ameres, kenon, and other such technical terms, which, either by
metaphors or other means of accommodation, he succeeded in
making intelligible and expressible to the Romans. For his
recreation, he exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he
was set to it, would make five hundred verses in a night. He
spent the greatest part of his time at his country-house near
Tusculum. He wrote to his friends that he led the life of
Laertes, either jestingly, as his custom was, or rather from a
feeling of ambition for public employment, which made him
impatient under the present state of affairs. He rarely went to
the city, unless to pay his court to Caesar. He was commonly
the first amongst those who voted him honors, and sought out new
terms of praise for himself and for his actions. As, for
example, what he said of the statues of Pompey, which had been
thrown down, and were afterwards by Caesar's orders set up
again: that Caesar, by this act of humanity, had indeed set up
Pompey's statues, but he had fixed and established his own.

He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his
country, combining with it much of that of Greece, and
incorporating in it all the stories and legends of the past that
he had collected. But his purposes were interfered with by
various public and various private unhappy occurrences and
misfortunes; for most of which he was himself in fault. For
first of all, he put away his wife Terentia, by whom he had been
neglected in the time of the war, and sent away destitute of
necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind when
he returned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium,
where he stayed a long time, nor would allow her young daughter,
who undertook so long a journey, decent attendance, or the
requisite expenses; besides, she left him a naked and empty
house, and yet had involved him in many and great debts. These
were alleged as the fairest reasons for the divorce. But
Terentia, who denied them all, had the most unmistakable defense
furnished her by her husband himself, who not long after married
a young maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia upbraided
him; or as Tiro, his emancipated slave, has written, for her
riches, to discharge his debts. For the young woman was very
rich, and Cicero had the custody of her estate, being left
guardian in trust; and being indebted many myriads of money, he
was persuaded by his friends and relations to marry her,
notwithstanding his disparity of age, and to use her money to
satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this marriage in
his answer to the Philippics, reproaches him for putting away a
wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy
strokes of sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive,
unsoldier-like habits. Not long after this marriage, his
daughter died in child-bed at Lentulus's house, to whom she had
been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The
philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his
grief was so excessive, that he put away his new-married wife,
because she seemed to be pleased at the death of Tullia. And
thus stood Cicero's domestic affairs at this time.

He had no concern in the design that was now forming against
Caesar, although, in general, he was Brutus's most principal
confidant, and one who was as aggrieved at the present, and as
desirous of the former state of public affairs, as any other
whatsoever. But they feared his temper, as wanting courage, and
his old age, in which the most daring dispositions are apt to
be timorous.

As soon, therefore, as the act was committed by Brutus and
Cassius, and the friends of Caesar were got together, so that
there was fear the city would again be involved in a civil war,
Antony, being consul, convened the senate, and made a short
address recommending concord. And Cicero, following with
various remarks such as the occasion called for, persuaded the
senate to imitate the Athenians, and decree an amnesty for what
had been done in Caesar's case, and to bestow provinces on
Brutus and Cassius. But neither of these things took effect. For
as soon as the common people, of themselves inclined to pity,
saw the dead body of Caesar borne through the marketplace, and
Antony showing his clothes filled with blood, and pierced
through in every part with swords, enraged to a degree of
frenzy, they made a search for the murderers, and with
firebrands in their hands ran to their houses to burn them.
They, however, being forewarned, avoided this danger; and
expecting many more and greater to come, they left the city.

Antony on this was at once in exultation, and everyone was in
alarm with the prospect that he would make himself sole ruler,
and Cicero in more alarm than anyone. For Antony, seeing his
influence reviving in the commonwealth, and knowing how closely
he was connected with Brutus, was ill-pleased to have him in the
city. Besides, there had been some former jealousy between
them, occasioned by the difference of their manners. Cicero,
fearing the event, was inclined to go as lieutenant with
Dolabella into Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls elect as
successors of Antony, good men and lovers of Cicero, entreated
him not to leave them, undertaking to put down Antony if he
would stay in Rome. And he, neither distrusting wholly, nor
trusting them, let Dolabella go without him, promising Hirtius
that he would go and spend his summer at Athens, and return
again when he entered upon his office. So he set out on his
journey; but some delay occurring in his passage, new
intelligence, as often happens, came suddenly from Rome, that
Antony had made an astonishing change, and was doing all things
and managing all public affairs at the will of the senate, and
that there wanted nothing but his presence to bring things to a
happy settlement. And therefore, blaming himself for his
cowardice, he returned again to Rome, and was not deceived in
his hopes at the beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to
meet him, that the compliments and civilities which were paid
him at the gates, and at his entrance into the city, took up
almost one whole day's time.

On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero
thither. He came not, but kept is bed, pretending to be ill
with his journey; but the true reason seemed the fear of some
design against him, upon a suspicion and intimation given him on
his way to Rome. Antony, however, showed great offense at the
affront, and sent soldiers, commanding them to bring him or burn
his house; but many interceding and supplicating for him, he was
contented to accept sureties. Ever after, when they met, they
passed one another with silence, and continued on their guard,
till Caesar, the younger, coming from Apollonia, entered on the
first Caesar's inheritance, and was engaged in a dispute with
Antony about two thousand five hundred myriads of money, which
Antony detained from the estate.

Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who
married the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to
Cicero, and agreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid
of his eloquence and political influence with the senate and
people, and Caesar give Cicero the defense of his riches and
arms. For the young man had already a great party of the
soldiers of Caesar about him. And Cicero's readiness to join
him was founded, it is said, on some yet stronger motives; for
it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero, in his
sleep, had fancied himself engaged in calling some of the sons
of the senators into the capitol, Jupiter being about, according
to the dream, to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome.
The citizens, running up with curiosity, stood about the temple,
and the youths, sitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept
silence. On a sudden the doors opened, and the youths, arising
one by one in order, passed round the god, who reviewed them all,
and, to their sorrow, dismissed them; but when this one was
passing by, the god stretched forth his right hand and said, "O
ye Romans, this young man, when he shall be lord of Rome, shall
put an end to all your civil wars." It is said that Cicero
formed from his dream a distinct image of the youth, and
retained it afterwards perfectly, but did not know who it was.
The next day, going down into the Campus Martius, he met the
boys resuming from their gymnastic exercises, and the first was
he, just as he had appeared to him in his dream. Being
astonished at it, he asked him who were his parents. And it
proved to be this young Caesar, whose father was a man of no
great eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia, Caesar's
sister's daughter; for which reason, Caesar, who had no
children, made him by will the heir of his house and property.
From that time, it is said that Cicero studiously noticed the
youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly received the
civility; and by fortune he happened to be born when Cicero was
consul.

These were the reasons spoken of; but it was principally
Cicero's hatred of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honor,
which fastened him to Caesar, with the purpose of getting the
support of Caesar's power for his own public designs. For the
young man went so far in his court to him, that he called him
Father; at which Brutus was so highly displeased, that, in his
epistles to Atticus he reflected on Cicero saying, it was
manifest, by his courting Caesar for fear of Antony, he did not
intend liberty to his country, but an indulgent master to
himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then
studying philosophy at Athens, gave him a command, and employed
him in various ways, with a good result. Cicero's own power at
this time was at the greatest height in the city, and he did
whatsoever he pleased; he completely overpowered and drove out
Antony, and sent the two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, with an
army, to reduce him; and, on the other hand, persuaded the
senate to allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns of a praetor, as
though he were his country's defender. But after Antony was
defeated in battle, and the two consuls slain, the armies
united, and ranged themselves with Caesar. And the senate,
fearing the young man, and his extraordinary fortune,
endeavored, by honors and gifts, to call off the soldiers from
him, and to lessen his power; professing there was no further
need of arms, now Antony was put to flight.

This giving Caesar an affright, he privately sends some friends
to entreat and persuade Cicero to procure the consular dignity
for them both together; saying he should manage the affairs as
he pleased, should have the supreme power, and govern the young
man who was only desirous of name and glory. And Caesar himself
confessed, that in fear of ruin, and in danger of being
deserted, he had seasonably made use of Cicero's ambition,
persuading him to stand with him, and to accept the offer of his
aid and interest for the consulship.

And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be
carried away and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasions
of a boy. He joined him in soliciting votes, and procured the
good-will of the senate, not without blame at the time on the
part of his friends; and he, too, soon enough after, saw that he
had ruined himself, and betrayed the liberty of his country.
For the young man, once established, and possessed of the office
of consul, bade Cicero farewell; and, reconciling himself to
Antony and Lepidus, joined his power with theirs, and divided
the government, like a piece of property, with them. Thus
united, they made a schedule of above two hundred persons who
were to be put to death. But the greatest contention in all
their debates was on the question of Cicero's case. Antony
would come to no conditions, unless he should be the first man
to be killed. Lepidus held with Antony, and Caesar opposed them
both. They met secretly and by themselves, for three days
together, near the town of Bononia. The spot was not far from
the camp, with a river surrounding it. Caesar, it is said,
contended earnestly for Cicero the first two days; but on the
third day he yielded, and gave him up.

The terms of their mutual concessions were these; that Caesar
should desert Cicero, Lepidus his brother Paulus, and Antony,
Lucius Caesar, his uncle by his mother's side. Thus they let
their anger and fury take from them the sense of humanity, and
demonstrated that no beast is more savage than man, when
possessed with power answerable to his rage.

Whilst these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother
at his country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the
proscriptions, they determined to pass to Astura, a villa of
Cicero's near the sea, and to take shipping from thence for
Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in that province news had
already been heard. They traveled together in their separate
litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on the way
till their litters came together, condoled with one another.
But Quintus was the more disheartened, when he reflected on his
want of means for his journey; for, as he said, he had brought
nothing with him from home. And even Cicero himself had but a
slender provision. It was judged, therefore, most expedient
that Cicero should make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus
return home to provide necessaries, and thus resolved, they
mutually embraced, and parted with many tears.

Quintus, within a few days after, betrayed by his servants to
those who came to search for him, was slain, together with his
young son. But Cicero was carried to Astura, where, finding a
vessel, he immediately went on board her, and sailed as far as
Circaeum with a prosperous gale; but when the pilots resolved
immediately to set sail from thence, whether fearing the sea, or
not wholly distrusting the faith of Caesar, he went on shore,
and passed by land a hundred furlongs, as if he was going for
Rome. But losing resolution and changing his mind, he again
returned to the sea, and there spent the night in fearful and
perplexed thoughts. Sometimes he resolved to go into Caesar's
house privately, and there kill himself upon the altar of his
household gods, to bring divine vengeance upon him; but the fear
of torture put him off this course. And after passing through a
variety of confused and uncertain counsels, at last he let his
servants carry him by sea to Capitae, where he had a house, an
agreeable place to retire to in the heat of summer, when the
Etesian winds are so pleasant.

There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the
sea-side, from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise,
and made towards Cicero's vessel as it rowed to land, and
lighting on both sides of the yard, some croaked, others pecked
the ends of the ropes. This was looked upon by all as an ill
omen; and, therefore, Cicero went again ashore, and entering his
house, lay down upon his bed to compose himself to rest. Many
of the crows settled about the window, making a dismal cawing;
but one of them alighted upon the bed where Cicero lay covered
up, and with its bill by little and little pecked off the
clothes from his face. His servants, seeing this, blamed
themselves that they should stay to be spectators of their
master's murder, and do nothing in his defense, whilst the brute
creatures came to assist and take care of him in his undeserved
affliction; and, therefore, partly by entreaty, partly by force,
they took him up, and carried him in his litter towards the
sea-side.

But in the meantime the assassins were come with a band of
soldiers, Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom
Cicero had formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of
his father. Finding the doors shut, they broke them open, and
Cicero not appearing and those within saying they knew not
where he was, it is stated that a youth, who had been educated
by Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences, an emancipated slave
of his brother Quintus, Philologus by name, informed the tribune
that the litter was on its way to the sea through the close and
shady walks. The tribune, taking a few with him, ran to the
place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving
Herennius running in the walks, commanded his servants to set
down the litter; and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with
his left hand, he looked steadfastly upon his murderers, his
person covered with dust, his beard and hair untrimmed, and his
face worn with his troubles. So that the greatest part of those
that stood by covered their faces whilst Herennius slew him.
And thus was he murdered, stretching forth his neck out of the
litter, being now in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off
his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands also, by which his
Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those orations he
wrote against Antony, and so they are called to this day.

When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was
holding an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when
he heard it, and saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an
end of our proscriptions." He commanded his head and hands to
be fastened up over the Rostra, where the orators spoke; a sight
which the Roman people shuddered to behold, and they believed
they saw there not the face of Cicero, but the image of Antony's
own soul. And yet amidst these actions he did justice in one
thing, by delivering up Philologus to Pomponia, the wife of
Quintus; who, having got his body into her power, besides other
grievous punishments, made him cut off his own flesh by pieces,
and roast and eat it; for so some writers have related. But
Tiro, Cicero's emancipated slave, has not so much as mentioned
the treachery of Philologus.

Some long time after, Caesar, I have been told, visiting one of
his daughter's sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his
hand. The boy for fear endeavored to hide it under his gown;
which Caesar perceiving, took it from him, and turning over a
great part of the book standing, gave it him again, and said,
"My child, this was a learned man, and a lover of his country."
And immediately after he had vanquished Antony, being then
consul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in the office; and
under that consulship, the senate took down all the statues of
Antony, and abolished all the other honors that had been given
him, and decreed that none of that family should thereafter bear
the name of Marcus; and thus the final acts of the punishment of
Antony were, by the divine powers, devolved upon the family of
Cicero.

← Older revision		Revision as of 06:29, 6 July 2024
Line 1:		Line 1:
		+	{{Cite-many}}
	[[Category:People]]		[[Category:People]]
	==Plutarch's Life of Cicero==		==Plutarch's Life of Cicero==

← Older revision		Revision as of 22:32, 15 June 2008
Line 1:		Line 1:
		+	[[Category:People]]
	==Plutarch's Life of Cicero==		==Plutarch's Life of Cicero==

Life of Cicero (Plutarch) - Revision history

Decimus Aurelius Ingeniarius: added cite tag

Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus at 22:32, 15 June 2008

M. Lucretius Agricola: incorporate p.d. text of Dreyden's Plutach: CIcero